Historic, Archive Document Do not assume content reflects current scientific knowledge, policies, or practices. United States Department of Agriculture Forest Service Rocky Mountain Forest and Range Experiment Station The Use of Wilderness for Personal Growth, Therapy, and Education Fort Collins Colorado 80526 General Technical Report RM-193 Received by: Iudexing Branch Preface The papers in this report were selected from those presented at the Symposium on the use of Wilderness for Personal Growth, Therapy, and Education at the 4th World Wilderness Congress in Estes Park, Colorado, on September 14-18, 1987. The National Outdoor Leader- ship School in Lander, Wyoming provided valuable assistance. JSDA Forest Service July 1990 leneral Technical Report RM-193 The Use of Wilderness for Personal Growth, Therapy, and Education A. T. Easley, Joseph F. Passineau, and B. L. Driver, compilers1 1 Respectively, the coordinators are with Sir Sandford Fleming College, Lindsay, Ontario; the Central Wisconsin Environmental Station in Amherst Junction, Wl.; and the USDA Forest Service, Rocky Mountain Forest and Range Experiment Station in Fort Collins, CO. Contents Page Introductory Comments on the Benefits of Wilderness B.L. Driver, A.T. Easley and Joseph F. Passineau 1 The Wilderness Experience: A Psychological Evaluation of its Components and Dynamics LeaM. Scherl 11 Episodic vs. Continued Wilderness Participation — Implications for Self- Concept Enhancement Richard Schreyer, Daniel R. Williams, and Lois Haggard 23 The Effects of Pretesting and Degree of Adventure on Self-Concept Anderson B. Young and Thomas W. Steele 27 Changes in Self-Efficacy Through Outdoor Skills Instruction David Cockrell 35 The Evolution of the Outward Bound Process Stephen Barcia Bacon 38 Benefits Perceived by Past Participants in the NOLS Wind River Wilderness Course: A Methodological Inquiry B.L Driver, George L. Peterson, and A.T. Easley 52 Collective Social Groups in the Wilderness: Problems and Prospects John L. Heywood 64 Observations of the Effects of Human Social Behavior in Varied Wilderness Settings GaryC. Wakefield and Rudi Rudibaugh 70 Wilderness Privacy Types: How Important Can They Be? Carl Hummel and Linda Donovan 73 Wilderness Perception Johnathan G. Taylor 80 Perspectives on Wilderness: Testing the Theory of Restorative Environments Terry Hartig, Marlis Mang, and Gary W. Evans 86 How Therapeutic is Camping for Mentally III Adults? A Review Lynn Levitt 96 An Eighteen- Year Investigation of "Wilderness Therapy" Robert Greenway 1 03 Reducing Levels of Trait Anxiety Through the Application of Wilderness- Based Activities Alan Ewert 105 (Continued) Page Wilderness Awakening: Probation Counseling and the Wilderness — A Dynamic Team RobertC. Callahan, Jr. 112 The American Wilderness— A Cultural Imperative W.F. LaPage and S.R. Ranney 118 Psychological Necessity for Wilderness in the Life of George Catlin Wilson Hall 124 Wilderness Values on Western Ranches Delwin E. Benson 1 30 The Wilderness Legacy of John Muir: 150 Years from Fountain Lake Farm to World Wilderness Joseph F. Passineau and Erik Brynildson 1 35 The Use of Wilderness for Education Karlyn Atkinson-Berg 141 Finding Our Way with Play: Lessons from Wilderness Playgrounds and Wildlife Playmates O. Fred Donaldson 1 46 Wilderness, Wildlife, and Conservation Education in Botswana, Africa: A Personal Journey Joseph F. Passineau 152 The Effectiveness of Wilderness Education: A Review and Evaluation Robert L Vogl and Sonia Vogl 157 Wilderness Education: A Holistic Model Delmar W. Bachert 1 65 Outdoor Wilderness Education— A Leadership Curriculum Edward 0. Raiola 1 68 Perceived Changes in University Student Knowledge and Opinions Concerning Wilderness Management Issues Karen E. Cathey and Michael H. Legg 1 72 Pathways to Understanding Tom Whittaker 182 Keepers of the Sacred Grove: Motivating and Empowering Resource Managers to Protect Wilderness Values Michael H. Brown and Michael D. Freed 188 Joy in Living in a Wilderness Milieu Edward L. Leoni 191 The William Allen White Artist in Residence Program Glen Kay e 193 National Network for Environmental Education Steven C. Kussmann 1 95 Introductory Comments On The Benefits Of Wilderness^ B.L [Driver, A.T.[Easley and Joseph F.lPassineau Abstract.— This General Technical Report presents a group of papers that discuss a subset of wilderness-related benefits— those pertaining to the use of wilderness for personal growth, therapy, and education. Specific objectives of this introductory paper are to establish some terminology and explain why information on all wilderness-related benefits is needed and why it is presently so limited. We take a broad perspective and do not limit our attention to the three types of benefits targeted by the papers in this report. The paper explains the complexities of attempting to define and measure the magnitudes of wilderness-related benefits. We raise some methodological issues and propose needed research directions before introducing the other papers in this report. It Must Have Value Many resource economists now write about "existence demand" or willingness to pay to preserve a par- ticular entity, whether a species or a tract of land (Peterson and Swanson 1988). Their works are helping docu- ment the value of wilderness (Walsh et al. 1984). Nevertheless, many economists persist in treating posi- tive human valuation of wilderness preservation as a recent phenome- non. Some even attribute that con- cept of valuation to Krutilla's seminal (1967) article. For example, Freeman and Kopp (1989:5) state "...it has been recognized at least since John Krutilla's pioneering article.. .(...1967), that environmental services could be valued by people who do not make direct use of them...." [emphasis added]. Interestingly, the 1967 article was written after passage of the 1964 Wilderness Preservation Act and many decades after formal designa- tion of "wilderness," "logless," "roadless," and "primitive" areas by the USDA Forest Service in the ^Respectively, the authors are with the jJJSDA Forest Service, Rocky Mountain Forest and Range Experiment Station in Fort Collins, COj Sir Sanford Fleming College. Lindsay. Ontario, and the Central Wisconsin Environment Station in Amherst Junction. Wl. 1930's and creation of Yellowstone National Park in 1872 to preserve its natural features. In fact, one can trace positive valuations of the existence of wildlands to before the writings of Thoreau (1854), George Marsh (1864), Muir (1916), Robert Marshall (1930), and Aldo Leopold (1949). Even earlier, far eastern philosophers reflected on both the on-site and off- site appreciation of natural settings to promote balance and harmony in one's life. Although it is difficult to establish temporal dimensions, we know too that aboriginals in North America, Africa, New Zealand, and Australia have, over the course of 40,000 years, used natural-area phe- nomena and symbols to guide much of their spiritual and other normative postures. As one example, many wild animals were used to set norms of human behavior and were wor- shiped as gods. In conclusion, it can safely be concluded that the pres- ence/existence of relatively undis- turbed wildlands has been valued positively by humans for many thou- sands of years. If tangible evidence of value is de- sired, we need only reflect momen- tarily on the fact that in the United States roughly 90 million acres of land have been designated as wilder- ness under the 1964 Wilderness Act (PL 88-577). If we assume that society collectively is reasonably rational in its political allocation decisions, pres- ervation of this large acreage must be construed to denote considerable positive value. Alternatively, many public surveys have shown that strong majorities of respondents fa- vored preservation of wilderness (defined differently in the various studies) and expressed willingness to pay taxes in support of such (Opin- ion Research Corporation 1977, Wall- work 1984, Young and Fry 1979). Many economic studies have esti- mated the magnitude of this willing- ness to pay for wilderness preserva- tion (Walsh and Gilliam 1982, Walsh et al. 1984, Walsh et al. 1985). The issue is not whether wilder- ness has provided positive benefits of some value. Instead, the questions are: What are the specific dimensions or nature of wilderness-related bene- fits? Of what extent and magnitude are those benefits? Of what relative importance are they? Why should we care about these issues? Those ques- tions will be addressed briefly, but not necessarily in the order given, after we establish some definitions. Terminology The word "wilderness" is used by different people to mean different 1 things; some limit usage to areas des- ignated under the 1964 Wilderness Act, and others use it in reference to practically any natural area. Multiple definitions hold, too, for the words "value" and "benefit." To reduce confusion, we will establish our uses of those words. Wilderness Abstractly, wilderness has been perceived as a state of mind (Nash 1982). More concretely, we will use that word to denote relatively large natural areas that are neither easily accessible nor frequently used by motorized vehicles, where opportu- nities exist for primitive types of rec- reation, and past and current human activities are not readily apparent (Driver et al. 1987). In the United States, this includes, but is not lim- ited to, areas designated under the 1964 Wilderness Act. Benefit In public agency impact assess- ment handbooks, the word "benefit/' is used in several confusing ways. Economists concerned with testing the economic efficiency of a pro- posed development by some type of benefit-cost analyses, use the word "benefit" to refer to a willingness to pay to obtain the goods or services or the compensation demanded to give up the goods or services that will be affected by the proposed allocation being evaluated. The objective is to determine if an increase in net eco- nomic welfare will result from the changes in goods and services caused by the proposed development (Randall 1984). Other economists concerned with so-called regional economics or de- velopmental impacts use the word benefit in reference to regional in- creases in income or employment (or other variables such as value added) that are estimated to accrue to a par- ticular region from a proposed devel- opment or action (Alward 1986). Scientists from other disciplines view a benefit simply as an improved condition or a gain — a desirable con- sequence— of some type that accrues either to individuals, groups, or soci- ety, with the particular type of gains specified clearly. The economic multipliers computed by regional economists would fit within this defi- nition. Measures of willingness to pay and compensation demanded would not, except when expressed as a potential Pareto improvement which is a net difference between ag- gregated measures of monetary worth of the goods or services af- fected by the project being evaluated minus the costs associated with pro- viding those goods and services (Randall 1984). Put more simply and technically, a potential Pareto improvement does denote a gain, but the separate meas- ures of willingness to pay or com- pensation demanded in actuality in- dicate the worth (usually operational- ized in monetary terms) of a good or service, with this worth being an eco- nomic index of the gains or benefits (utility) expected if the good or serv- ice is used. (See Driver and Burch (1988), Driver (1989), Peterson et al. (in press), Schreyer and Driver (in press) for an elaboration.) Both the "economic efficiency" and "improved condition" defini- tions of the word benefit serve differ- ent purposes. For the purposes of this paper, we will use the "im- proved condition" definition. Within that perspective, numerous personal, social, and even environmental bene- fits can be attributed to wilderness. Included are maintenance or better- ment of physical fitness, enhanced appreciation and understanding of natural processes, satisfactions real- ized from being good stewards. Benefits of this type are the founda- tion of earlier persuasive writings of Muir (1916), Marshall (1930), and Leopold (1949) as well as other fore- fathers of the wilderness movement. These benefits and other probable improvements are also discussed in treatises on wilderness thought (Nash 1982) and other papers by Ew- ert (1986) and Driver at al. (1987). Value According to Boulding (1956:1), "the word 'value' occurs in economic writing with high frequency, the fre- quency of meanings being about as great as the frequency of occur- rence." This holds for noneconomic writing too. For example, the word "value" is used to denote a mathe- matical quantity, as the value of pi is 3.14. Artists use "value" to refer to how light or dark particular colors are. That word is also used relation- ally as when one refers to the nega- tive value of electrons and the posi- tive value of protons. Brown (1984) clarifies two uses of the word value in evaluation and valuation efforts. One, which he calls "held" values, refers to preference states defined by judgments that one thing is held to be better, more desir- able, or otherwise preferred over an- other. Thus, honesty can be held "to be the best policy," I prefer chocolate to vanilla, political candidate X is preferred to Y, or some might hold the value that "in wildness is the preservation of man." All held values reflect some appraisal of comparative benefits; those things held in higher regard are preferentially judged to be the most beneficial within the context of that judgment. A different context can lead to different judgments even by the same person. Brown's second concept of value, "assigned value," is the one generally applied when reference is being made to the valuation of a proposed project, such as expansion of the Wil- derness Preservation System. The key word here is "assigned," which means that some index of relative worth or relative importance is assigned the object that is "held" to be valu- 2 able. Market prices are the best ex- ample of assigned values, but other measures, such as ratings of relative importance on an ordinal response scale, also are commonly used. In the rest of this paper, we will use the word value with the modifier held" or "assigned" as described by Brown. Knowledge A theme of this paper is that there is too little scientifically documented knowledge of the benefits of wilder- ness, where particular benefits have been clearly specified and the scope and magnitude of those benefits have been empirically quantified reliably and validly (accurately). Neverthe- less, many people "just know" that wilderness is beneficial. This dichot- omy indicates that several types of knowing exist, ranging from objec- tive scientific knowledge, through subjective informed judgment and intuition, to "knowing in one's heart." Scientific knowledge is char- acterized by objective tests of reliabil- ity and accuracy/ validity and, hope- fully, is factual. It is reliable if repli- cations of the same study/ experi- mental design give consistent results. Validity refers to the results being on target, much like hitting the bull's eye; they measure accurately what is purported to be measured. Of course, since most findings are probabilistic, the accuracy is bounded by varying degrees of vari- ance which should be specified. In contrast, both informed judgment and intuition reflect understanding based on some combination of sys- tematic evidence and subjective fil- tering. Thus, there is frequently con- siderable variation in judgments and intuitions between individuals. As used here, "knowing in one's heart" is primarily effective. Between these types of knowledge are gradations characterized by the relative amount of systematic evidence present. For example, many people with good judgment are adept at gathering and processing data objectively without a formal research design before they filter it through their belief systems. We recognize that most knowl- edge about the benefits of wilderness has not been derived from systematic scientific research. Furthermore, many supporters of wilderness pres- ervation know in their hearts that their beliefs about wilderness are right and proper. We do not demean those types of understandings and in no way limit ourselves to the posture that all knowledge should be derived from science. But we firmly believe that more scientifically based infor- mation about wilderness-related benefits is needed and that the need continues to increase over time. Why More Research? One could argue that the wilder- ness-preservation/ maintenance movement in the United States and worldwide has been advanced con- siderably more by popular sentiment that is not totally substantiated by scientific "fact" than by the results of scientific studies on the benefits of wilderness preservation. Of course these sentiments have been strongly influenced by scholars such as Thoreau (1854), Marsh (1864), Muir (1916), Marshall (1930), and Leopold (1947). Nevertheless, the point can still be made that scientific research, while helpful, cannot be called the keystone of the political movement for wilderness maintenance and preservation. This is not just specula- tion— there is a severe paucity of re- search on certain types of benefits of wilderness. Given the past history and reason- able success of the wilderness move- ment— at least in the United States — without science at the center, one can ask why is more research needed? Several reasons will be further devel- oped in answer to that question, some of which have been outlined elsewhere (Driver et al. 1987). Enhance Basic Resource Allocation Decisionmaking Public policymakers have always had to balance the relative advan- tages and disadvantages of alterna- tive uses of a nation's scarce re- sources. This task has become more difficult and of increased social sig- nificance as use pressures have grown in variety and increased in magnitude. Some of the causes of this increasing relative resource scar- city are the same across different countries, while other causes vary in significance from country to country. In the developing countries, rapid population growth and emphasis on economic development each dictate that sound arguments — backed by credible analysis including scientific research — be put forward in the pol- icy arena to justify wilderness. While population growth has increased demands for alternative-to-wilder- ness uses in the developed countries too, other forces (increasing income, concerns about economic growth, growing demands for competing government services, concerns about environmental quality) now make the basic allocation decisionmaking more difficult in those countries than they were at earlier times when there were more resources to go around. Better information is therefore needed on the "benefits and costs" of all alternative uses. Certainly in- formed intuition and public senti- ment about the benefits of wilderness will continue to play a central role in justifying basic allocations for conser- vation and preservation. Neverthe- less, the need for the results of sys- tematic research on these benefits will continue to grow as use pres- sures expand in kind and magnitude. Some examples might be helpful. Research has helped establish the importance of maintaining undis- turbed natural laboratories to aid in understanding the basic principles of ecology. Some research has also documented the utilitarian benefits of species preservation in providing 3 natural sources of medicines, im- proved varieties of agricultural seeds, and new industrial products (Myers 1979). Recent advances in ge- netic engineering foretell additional discoveries of the benefits of preserv- ing gene pools (Weaver 1984). Fur- thermore, as research documents the therapeutic and other benefits of wil- derness, a better picture is gained of the total benefits. Additional empiri- cal research should also help define even more clearly the sizable scope and intensity of positive sentiments about wilderness, which will con- tinue to strengthen the case for pres- ervation. Lastly, it is our judgment that many wilderness-related bene- fits are now poorly defined and, much less well quantified — some benefits are even yet to be identified. Focus Management Directions Once basic allocation decisions have favored wilderness, results of the benefits research can be used to help manage those resources. The results can be used to establish man- agement objectives and prescriptions geared toward the provision of par- ticular benefits. The proposed re- search will both help determine those benefits and determine their resource dependencies. This information can then be used to assure that the re- sources on which those benefits are dependent will be managed in a way that is consistent with the realization of those benefits. Such information might range from better definitions of the habitat requirements of par- ticular species to the types of settings needed to realize certain types of wil- derness-related benefits to humans such as enhanced sense of self-suffi- ciency and increased learning about natural phenomena. Identify Substitutes As the pressures on wilderness increase, it is important to know which benefits are uniquely depend- ent on wilderness and which are not uniquely dependent but for which there are strong preferences that they be realized in wilderness. In addi- tion, knowledge is needed about other benefits that are neither uniquely dependent on wilderness nor for which strong preferences ex- ist that they be realized in wilder- ness. Presumably, society will want as a first priority to protect options to provide those benefits that are uniquely dependent on wilderness, assuming there is a willingness to pay taxes and /or user fees to realize these benefits and that they can be provided efficiently without unac- ceptable environmental impact. Within the bounds of these same as- sumptions, those benefits that are highly preferred but not dependent on wilderness are also a legitimate demand in a pluralistic democracy. Too frequently, we hear the argu- ment that wilderness can only be jus- tified in terms of uniquely dependent benefits. This is nonsense in any soci- ety within which freedom of choice is a centrally held value. Research can help identify these types of depend- encies and preferences and in the process disclose those benefits cur- rently being sought in wilderness that can satisfactorily be provided in substitute areas. Understand Values of Off-Site Users Several studies have shown that in the United States the number of off- site "users" (appreciators and sup- porters) of wilderness exceed the number of on-site users by several orders of magnitude (Opinion Re- search Corporation 1977, Young and Fry 1979, Young 1980, Wallwork 1984). Thus, the benefits of wilder- ness extend beyond the on-site user and include utilitarian concerns such as the production of products de- pendent on the preservation of germ plasm (Walsh 1981). Continued im- provement in systematically defining and measuring the benefits to the "off-site" user will facilitate better decisionmaking by those off-site sup- porters, and also by the on-site users, of wilderness. Improved definitions and measurement of benefits can also change the perspectives of protago- nists for alternative-to-wilderness al- locations. Improve Quality of Decisions of On-Site Users In our view, humans behave rea- sonably rationally in their own best interest. Moreover, humans have probably depended more on infor- mation processing abilities than other animals for their evolutionary sur- vival (Kaplan and Kaplan 1978). They not only seek and use, but need, accurate information. Thus, it is human nature that reliable and valid information will contribute to better decisionmaking — perhaps with a time lag. Within this context, information on the benefits of wilder- ness use will lead to enhanced deci- sions of the on-site users too. They will simply know better how alterna- tive uses of wilderness will benefit them (and the environment) the most, just as improved information about the benefits of using seat belts, not smoking, and concern about ab- normal blood lipid levels have bene- fited sovereign consumers of other goods and services. Guide User Fees Trends exist in all the developed countries for users of public goods and services to pay, in the form of user fees, a larger share of the public costs of providing those goods and services than they have in the past, while recognizing that some portion of those costs must also be covered by general taxation because of the general social benefits created (Driver and Koch 1986). (On the 4 other hand, there is a trend for the costs of social diseconomies — or "bads" such as pollution — to be borne by those who cause those ad- verse impacts.) One principle guid- ing the apportionment of costs to us- ers is that the beneficiaries of public goods and services should pay their fair share. The problem has been one of iden- tifying those beneficiaries. Research on the benefits of wilderness will help provide that information for the off- and on-site users of those re- sources. Perhaps such research will also better identify those benefits to society at large that should be sup- ported by public taxation. An ex- ample might be a widespread belief that a society is wrongheaded that does not care about good steward- ship or preserving options of choice for future generations. Advance Wilderness-Related Professions Contrasted with a trade or craft, the most distinctive characteristic of a profession or academic discipline is an empirically supported body of knowledge. Thus, research on wil- derness benefits will advance wilder- ness-related professional bodies of knowledge. A side benefit will be in- creased pride and motivation of those professionals and the attraction of "better minds" to those profes- sions. These advances should, over time, result in improved policy and management decisions. Improve Educational Efforts In a democratic society, sound de- cisions regarding the preservation and use of wilderness areas and the protection of environmental quality, depend on a citizenry that is knowl- edgeable, skilled, and involved. Such a citizenry must know about natural and human environments and re- lated problems, be aware of skills with which to solve these problems, and be motivated to participate in problem solving and decision mak- ing activities. Over the past half cen- tury, efforts in conservation, environ- mental, and wilderness education have fostered environmental aware- ness, sensitivity, skills, and ethical behavior (Tbilisi Declaration 1977). As society becomes increasingly aware of social-environmental issues, the need also increases for research regarding the effectiveness, limita- tions, and benefits of wilderness-re- lated educational programs. Re- search needs in this area range from determining the most effective pro- gram for promoting low-impact camping skills; through development of theoretical models of moral devel- opment, personal and political ac- tion, and social change; to measure- ment of the benefits of education, such as nurturing an environmental ethic and a sound wilderness phi- losophy. Wilderness education re- search must, therefore, be holistic and work in concert with existing environmental education networks as well as outdoor leadership and human resource development efforts (Bacon and Thompson 1988, Hendee and Brown 1988, Ratz 1988). Promote a Sound Wilderness Philosophy Perhaps one of the greatest advan- tages of additional research on wil- derness benefits is that it is essential if we are to develop a sounder wil- derness philosophy. The need for a "wilderness philosophy" has been described elsewhere (Driver et al. 1987: 294-295). ...this term [wilderness phi- losophy] signifies the underly- ing principles or values upon which the defense of wilder- ness can be built. A sound and widely accepted philosophy has been notably absent in the American preser- vation movement, which can be characterized largely by a series of highly subjective de- fenses of particular places: "Save Hetch Hetchy," "Save the Redwoods," "Save Grand Canyon." If someone asked, "Why?", the reply was that it is the Grand Canyon, for Pete's sake! But still, why save it, why keep it wild? "Well," the preservationists tradition- ally retorted, "we like it wild." But their interrogator might persist, again, with the ques- tion, "Why?" The point is that wilderness appreciation has been a creed, a faith, some- thing that was almost sullied by analysis and discussion, something you felt in your bones. But that is not good enough, especially when the existence of wilderness is chal- lenged by deep-rooted materi- alism. There is a need for a system- atic articulation of wilderness benefits based not only on ob- jective scientific research but also on historical fact and con- temporary experience, includ- ing nonhuman values. This is what we mean by a philoso- phy of wilderness. It must lie behind the defense of particu- lar wild places like the phi- losophy of human dignity and freedom lies behind the pro- test of racist policies. Philoso- phers have spent 24 centuries, since the Greek democracies, setting forth a philosophy of liberty. So, when Thomas Jef- ferson declared that all men were created equal, when Lin- coln emancipated the slaves, or when contemporary Ameri- cans say that South Africa's apartheid is wrong, few ask why. But the value or benefit of wilderness is not nearly so well established. 5 Following a comprehensive dis- cussion of a wide variety of known and probable wilderness-related benefits, Driver et al. (1987:314) speculated about which types of benefits are most relevant to a wil- derness philosophy. Their conclu- sions were as follows: Of the many types of wilder- ness benefits we described, six seem to us to represent the core of a wilderness philoso- phy. Each is wilderness-de- pendent, historically valid, shaped by an understanding both of the realities of wilder- ness and of the needs of civili- zation, and intuitively clear (with the possible exception of the last one listed). They are: 1. Preservation of representa- tive national ecosystems and maintenance of species di- versity as laboratories for links with the past, learning, and scientific research, and as models for appreciating the complex, interactive, sup- portive, and competitive forces that maintain life with- out the need for human as- sistance. 2. Spiritual values that capture the themes of natural cathe- drals, understanding unity and continuity, celebrating the creative forces behind life, and realizing the spiritu- ally sustaining and cleansing powers of natural areas. 3. Esthetic values that go be- yond scenic beauty to the sublime — to the notions of awesomeness, majesty and overwhelming esthetic im- pact. 4. Inherent/ intrinsic values which, if they do not ade- quately articulate, at least gently hypothesize that nonhuman organisms have their places on Earth and that perhaps even inanimate ob- jects have the right to exist. Wilderness preservation, as a form of restraint, helps tem- per the tendency of aggres- sive humankind to conquer and subdue the entire Earth. r Table 1 Taxonomy of wilderness benefits/ m I Personal benefits (accruing prim arify to Individuals; might or might not : be net it society at large) A .Developmental (desired changes in self-concepts and skills) • 2. Self-actualization 3. Skill development ^BMl§§§^ B. Therapeutfc/heaiing 1, Clinical 2. Nonclinical (stress mediation/coping) C. Physical health • D. Self-sufficiency E. Soctal identity and bonding (development/maintenance of de- sired social relations with family and others) F. Educational G> Spiritual H. Esthetic/creativity | Symbolic (benefits from options to realize that actions are being taken in support of preservation-related beliefs) 1, Resource stewardship 2. Anti-anthropocentncism/mordisfic 3, Option demands 4. Other HH J. Other wilderness recreation-related benefits to individuals K, Commodity-related (benefits to Individuals from, goods produced from wilderness such as those related to water and to grazing by domestic animals) L Nurturance II. Social benefits (accruing across individuals to society collectively or .' to large segments of society) A Aggregate personal benefits B. Spinoff benefits C. Historical cultural benefits D. Preservation-related benefits 1 , Representative ecosystems 2, Species diversity 3, Air visibility 4, Unique landforms. Inducing areas of outstanding scenic beauty 5, Historic sites 6, Educational values 7, Scientific laboratory 8, Stewardship (option for future generations) F. Commodity uses (water, minerals, grazing, etc) G. Economic benefits 1. National economic development 2, Local/regional economic development III Inherent/Intrinsic (benefits to nonhuman organisms) ^Source: Driver ef at. 1 987: 298. 6 5. Historical and current cul- tural values nurtured by wil- derness, such as freedom, pride in one's nation's mate- rial bounty and splendor, creative inspiration, and maintenance of a part of the past out of respect for what has been. 6. Specific types of recreational use that depend on wilder- ness settings, including the quest for self-sufficiency, particular types of challenge and skill-testing, and recrea- tion and therapeutic benefits related to being in a tranquil, serene, primitive area with few other people around. ...Although research is needed on all benefits, greater atten- tion is particularly needed on the six central values, even though they are the most diffi- cult to quantify. Other people might offer different benefit themes as central to a wilder- ness philosophy. But the point stands, the accomplishment of that objective is dependent on much addi- tional scientific inquiry on wilder- ness-related benefits. State of Knowledge The state of knowledge about wil- derness benefits is described in con- siderable detail in Driver, Nash and Haas (1987). That report concluded that even though there was wide- spread appreciation that wilderness provides a vast array of different types of benefits of considerable magnitude, there was a paucity of systematic documentation of the ex- tent and magnitude of most of those benefits; much of what we know is intuitive and rather "soft" scientifi- cally. With that qualification estab- lished, Driver et al. (1987) established the taxonomy of wilderness benefits shown in table 1 and then described what is known about each benefit listed. Note that the papers in this report on the use of wilderness for personal growth, therapy, and edu- cation all fall within the first cate- gory— Personal Benefits — listed in that taxonomy. Other recent reports also address the benefits of wilderness specifically (Manning 1988) or of wildlands in general (Kelly 1981, Driver and Pe- terson 1986 (compilers of the 11 pa- pers on outdoor recreation benefits in the "values section" of the Litera- ture Synthesis produced by the Presi- dent's Commission on American Outdoors 1987), Schreyer and Driver, in press). These reports go into greater depth and elaborate some dimensions of the benefits listed in table 1, but they add few if any bene- fits to that list. These references all show that a wide variety of benefits probably ex- ist. Additional research, such as the results presented in the research- based papers in this report, is needed to make definitive statements regard- ing their scope and magnitude. These references also offer reasons for the limited research that has been done on wilderness benefits. • The concept of benefit has not been articulated well as a topic for research and has been articulated best in terms of the economic measures (described at the beginning of this paper) that are used in benefit-cost analyses to test for economic efficiency. • The topic of wilderness bene- fits has not had high social/ institutional priority, given the dominance of other pub- lic concerns such as national defense, education, general welfare, medical services, and environmental pollution. • The Protestant work ethic that prevails in the United States has de-emphasized research on the benefits of amenities. • Most studies have focused on outdoor recreation in gen- eral and not wilderness. • The research is complex. • Only a small cadre of scien- tists exists with interest in the topic and expertise to do high quality research. Research Needs For adequate high quality research on wilderness benefits to be con- ducted, several things need to hap- pen within and outside the research community. Within the Research Community Scientists interested in this area of research need better understanding of: the concept of benefit as an im- proved condition or a desirable con- sequence; how that concept differs from that of valuation; and the logi- cal phases of amenity benefits re- search. Elsewhere (Peterson et al., in press; Driver and Burch 1988), we propose the following three phases for the benefits research: 1. Qualification 2. Quantification 3. Valuation. The first, qualitative analysis, is fundamental to all science as a vari- able-definition phase. Here, clear specification of particular types of benefits must be obtained while real- izing that the context is important (Brown 1984) and that the scientist must accept responsibility for speci- fying a particular entity as a particu- lar type of benefit. This phase will require considerable familiarity with the literature. Also, considerable 7 qualitative research (using focus groups and other approaches such as phenomenological studies) must fre- quently be done just to define the benefit being hypothesized for a par- ticular class of on- or off-site user and to establish the variables and their parameters, which will be needed to accomplish the second phase — quantifying the magnitude of the specified benefit. For example, if reduction of hypertension is speci- fied as a possible benefit, then the unit of measure (decrease in systolic or diastolic blood pressure) and its parameter (how much decrease and from what level) must be specified clearly. In the second phase, quantification measures the magnitude of change in the variables that were specified in the qualitative phase. Quantificative analysis also requires ability both to predict the magnitude of any benefi- cial change and to explain why that change occurred. Valuation during the third phase has nothing to do with measuring the magnitude of a particular type of benefit but instead establishes the relative worth and importance of that change. Monetary measures of willingness to pay for that change are the best known measures of relative worth but other monetary (time spent, willingness to trade off other personal economic resources to real- ize the benefit) and nonmonetary measures (ratings on an ordinal scale) can be used. Better understanding of these three separate phases of the benefits research will contribute substantially both to improved designs and to re- ducing confusing and misguided ar- guments. Many scientists need to get off "the kick" that there is a conflict be- tween qualitative and quantitative analyses. All quantitative analyses are based on preliminary qualitative analyses, and many so-called qualita- tive analyses using phenomenologi- cal and other approaches quantify to some extent, even if only on a "did" and "did not" basis. We see little evi- dence that Comtian logical positiv- ism is the norm of most quantita- tively oriented scientists. We share the concern of many that improperly designed quantitative studies can misdirect the respondent/ s responses and that reductionism can overlook important actions and interactions. But science must ultimately have di- rection and establish controls. In sum, the issue is not either qualita- tive or quantitative analyses but a good balance of both. Considerably more attention needs to be given to observations of beneficial changes in behavior. These observations will establish "harder" empirical bases of knowledge about benefits than the introspective meas- ures do. Behavioral-change measures include desirable physiological changes as well as other performance criteria such as improved academic performance, greater involvement in conservation activities, and demon- strative social bonding of many types. Of course, not all benefits can be quantified by using observations of behavior, so introspective studies are needed also to identify magni- tudes of perceived benefits. It is im- portant, however, that those intro- spective measures focus directly on a clearly specified beneficial condition, such as improved physical fitness, rather than indirectly on some con- struct, such as exercising, from which inferences must be made to benefits. One reason much of our knowledge about wilderness-related benefits is so probabilistic is that most past research has employed in- direct, introspective measures ad- dressing constructs such as motiva- tions and experience preferences. This research has been useful in de- scribing recreation behavior and in enhancing inferences about probable benefits, but the direct introspective measures will be of considerably more value. They require the scien- tist to do careful qualitative analyses and to clearly define the hypothe- sized benefits. More attention needs to be di- rected to the benefits perceived and realized by the off -site users who, as mentioned previously, greatly out- number the on-site ones. Extremely little benefits research has been done on those users primarily because of the difficulty of the task. More sophisticated research de- signs are needed, especially experi- mental designs with control groups. Longitudinal studies are also needed to track persistence of benefits over time, as are replications of the same design in time and space to test for consistency of response and to test for patterns. More studies need to go beyond description and focus more explicitly on prediction and explanation, in- cluding more modeling with clear mathematical notation and definition of variables and their parameters. The expertise of more disciplines needs to be brought to the tasks, es- pecially the research skills of scien- tists well trained in making physio- logical measures. Fortunately, many of the papers in this report reflect these improved directions. Changes in Institutions For the wilderness benefits re- search to proceed optimally and be accepted appropriately, several changes are needed in both scientific and nonscientific institutions (Schreyer and Driver, in press). First, changes are needed in the perspectives of wilderness-related professionals. The main problem is the pervasive mind-set that the benefits cannot be identified, quantified, and valued. Certainly, those tasks are complex, are each broad in scope, will take time, and the research will be costly. But these are insufficient rea- sons not to try. By analogy, the medical sciences had even greater obstacles to overcome, but they have made tre- mendous progress the past 100 years despite the fact there are health-re- lated problems yet to solve. 8 Second, changes are also needed within the wilderness-related public agencies. They too frequently have nearsighted vision and take a crisis/ reactive approach, emphasizing the here and now, rather than adopting a broader perspective oriented to their fundamental long-term task of pro- viding opportunities to create bene- fits to individuals and society. To wit, management objectives are gen- erally defined in terms of physical entities, such as so many acres pro- tected and so many recreation visitor days provided, rather than address- ing the more fundamental questions of what benefit opportunities should be provided where, for whom, when, and how? This is understandable, but management objectives and pre- scriptions for action can be specified in both behavioral and physical terms, and they should be. A third management agency prob- lem is the inequitable institutional recognition and reward given wil- derness-related professionals. Many agencies do not recognize these per- sonnel as professionals; they have no professional position classification standards for them, and those agen- cies generally do not offer them ca- reer advancement opportunities equivalent to those offered their fel- low employees holding other profes- sional positions. Fourth, other social institutions need to better support the benefits research by providing more funding and related support. This includes public and private organizations as well as wilderness interest/ support groups such as the Wilderness Soci- ety and the Sierra Club. Subsequent Papers The other 26 papers in this re- search report make a substantive contribution to knowledge about wil- derness benefits, especially those benefits related to personal growth, therapy, and education. Most of the papers are original contributions, with 14 of the 26 offering empirically documented results. These empirical studies represent different research approaches, both qualitative and quantitative, and they include both physiological and other measures of observable behavior. Six of the other papers offer systematic reviews of particular topics, and the remaining six are best described as descriptions of wilderness-related phenomena. The papers are grouped into three categories reflecting their orientations and consider the contribution of wil- derness and its use to (1) personal growth, development, and social bond- ing, (2) therapeutic benefits, and (3) environmental awareness and wilder- ness education. Each group offers new knowledge and insights and raises questions that certainly will stimulate further study. The appendix comprises five pa- pers that reflect less of a research ori- entation and are either philosophical in nature or describe particular wil- derness-related programs. References Alward, Gregory S. 1986. Local and regional economic impacts of out- door recreation development. In: A Literature Review. President's Commission on Americans Out- doors, Values. Washington, D.C: Government Printing Office: 47-57. Bacon, S.; Thompson, D. 1988. Out- ward Bound USA. In: Martin V., ed. For the conservation of earth. Golden, CO: Fulcrum, Inc. Boulding, Kenneth. 1956. Some con- tributions of economics to the gen- eral theory of value. Philosophy of Science. 23(1): 1-14. Brown, Thomas C. 1984. The concept of value in resource allocation. Land Economics. 60(3): 231-246. Driver, B. L.; Koch, Niels E. 1986. Cross-cultural trends in user fees charged at national outdoor rec- reation areas. In: Proceedings, 18th IUFRO World Congress, Division 6, General Subjects. Ljublijana, Yu- goslavia: IUFRO Organizing Com- mittee: 370-385. Driver, B. L.; Peterson, George L., comps. 1986. Values section of a literature review. President's Commission on Americans Out- doors. Washington, DC: Govern- ment Printing Office. Driver, B. L.; Nash, Roderick; Haas, Glenn E. 1987. Wilderness bene- fits: A state-of-knowledge review. In: Proceedings — National wilder- ness research conference: Issues, state-of-knowledge, future direc- tions. Gen. Tech. Rep. INT-220. Ogden, UT: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Inter- mountain Research Station: 294-319. Driver, B. L.; Burch, William R., Jr. 1988. A framework for more com- prehensive valuations of public amenity goods and services. In: Peterson, George L.; Driver, B. L.; Gregory, Robin Gregory, eds. Amenity resource valuation: Inte- grating economics with other dis- ciplines. State College, PA: Ven- ture Publishing, Inc: 31-45. Driver, B. L. 1989. What are they, how big are they, and what are they worth: Some ideas on recrea- tion benefits. In: McDonald, Cary, ed. Proceedings, 1988 southeastern recreation researchers conference. Vol. 10. Athens, GA: Institute for Behavioral Research, University of Georgia: 7-20. Ewert, A. 1986. Values, benefits and consequences in outdoor recrea- tion. Values. In: A literature re- view: President's commission on Americans outdoors, values. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office: 71-80. Freeman, A. Myrick, III; Kopp, Ray- mond J. 1989. Assessing damages from the Valdez oil spill. Washing- ton, DC: Resources for the Future. Summer 96: 5-7. Hendee, J.; Brown, M. 1988. How wilderness facilitates personal growth. In: Martin, V., ed. For the conservation of earth. Golden, CO: Fulcrum, Inc. 9 Kaplan, Stephen; Kaplan, Rachael, eds. 1978. Humanscape: Environ- ments for people. Belmont, CA: Duxbury Press. Kelly, John R., ed. 1981. Social bene- fits of outdoor recreation. Urbana- Champaign, IL: Department of Leisure Studies, University of Illi- nois. Krutilla, John. 1967. Conservation re- considered. American Economic Review. 57: 777-786. Leopold, Aldo. 1949. Sand County almanac and sketches from here to there. New York: Oxford Univer- sity Press. 269 p. Manning, Robert. E. 1988. Social re- search in wilderness: Man in na- ture. In: Freilich, Helen R., comp. Wilderness Benchmark 1988: Pro- ceedings of the national wilder- ness colloquium. Gen. Tech. Rep. SE-51. Ashville, NC: U.S. Depart- ment of Agriculture, Forest Serv- ice, Southeastern Forest Experi- ment Station: 120-132. Marsh, George. 1864. Man and na- ture. New York: Scribner. 472 p. Marshall, Robert. 1930. The problem of the wilderness. Scientific Monthly. 30: 142. Muir, John. 1916. Our national parks. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin Co. 400 p. Myers, Norman. 1979. The sinking ark: a new look at the problem of disappearing species. Oxford, England: Pergamon Press. 305 p. Nash, R. 1982. Wilderness and the American mind (3rd ed.). New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Opinion Research Corporation. 1977. The public's participation in out- door activities and attitudes to- ward national wilderness areas. Report prepared for the American Forest Institute. Princeton, NJ. Peterson, George L.; Swanson, Cindy Sorg. 1988. Toward the measure- ment of total economic value. Gen. Tech. Rep. RM-148. Fort Collins, CO: U.S. Department of Agricul- ture, Forest Service, Rocky Moun- tain Forest and Range Experiment Station. 44 p. Peterson, George L.; Driver, B. L.; Brown, Perry J. [In press]. The benefits of recreation: dollars and sense. In: Johnson, Rebecca L.; Johnson, Gary V., eds. Economic valuation of natural resources: Is- sues, theory and applications. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Randall, Alan. 1984. Budget cost analysis as an information system. In: Peterson, George L.; Randall, Alan, eds. Valuation of wildland resource benefits. Boulder, CO: Westview Press: 65-75. Ratz, J. 1988. The National Outdoor Leadership School. In: Martin, V., ed. For the conservation of earth. Golden, CO: Fulcrum, Inc. Schreyer, Richard; Driver, B. L. [In press]. The benefits of wildland recreation participation: What do we know and where do we go? In: Driver, B. L., comp. Contributions of social scientists to multiple-use management: an update. Fort Collins, CO: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Rocky Mountain Forest and Range Ex- periment Station. The Tbilisi Declaration. 1977. UNESCO conference on environ- mental education. In: Engleson, D., ed. A guide to curriculum planning in environmental educa- tion. Madison, WI: Wisconsin De- partment of Public Instruction (1985). Thoreau, Henry D. 1854. Walden. In: Bode, C, ed. The portable Thoreau. New York: Viking (1947). Wallwork, S. S. 1984. Montanans and selected wilderness issues. Mon- tana Business Research Quarterly. 22(4): 15-18. Walsh, John. 1981. Germ plasm re- sources are losing ground. Science. 214:421-423. Walsh, Richard G.; Gilliam, Lynde O. 1982. Benefits of wilderness ex- pansion with excess demand for Indian Peaks. Western Journal of Agricultural Economics. 7(July): 1-12. Walsh, Richard G.; Loomis, John B.; Gilliam, Richard A. 1984. Valuing option, existence, and bequest de- mands for wilderness. Land Eco- nomics. 60(1): 14-29. Walsh, Richard G.; Sanders, Larry D.; Loomis, John B. 1985. Wild and scenic river economics: Rec- reation use and preservation val- ues. Englewood, CO: American Wilderness Alliance: 141 p. Weaver, Robert L. 1984. Beyond supermouse: Changing life's ge- netic blueprint. National Geo- graphic. 166(6): 818-847. Young, Robert A.; Fry, B. 1979. Wil- derness: do Illinoisans approve? Champaign, IL: University of Illi- nois, Illinois Research. 12 p. Young, Robert A. 1980. The relation- ship between information levels and environmental approval of the wilderness issue. Journal of Envi- ronmental Education. 11(3): 25-30. 10 The Wilderness Experience: A Psychological Evaluation of Its Components and Dynamics* Lea M.IScherl1 Abstract.— This paper presents a proposed taxonomy of the different experiential domains of a wilderness experience and discusses the process of a structured wilderness experience. The taxonomy was derived from, and validated against, partici- pants' own reports and appraisals of their experi- ence while on Australian Adult Outward Bound programs. The methods of generating and analyzing "meaning-based' data are mentioned. The process of the experience is elucidated by looking at how participants' perceptions of the different domains change during the program. Relationships among these experiential domains are also explored. This paper will concentrate on the presentation of a research perspec- tive and some research results of a project I have been conducting over the past few years. Comments on the state of knowledge in this area and detailed discussion of the results ob- tained here, in light of other studies, will be kept to a minimum. This work has drawn heavily upon the psychological literature in which it is often claimed that wilder- ness experiences are psychologically beneficial to individuals. This conclu- sion, when the study was devised (1982), arose primarily from studies adopting a pre-post experience test design aimed at quantifying changes within the individual. Central con- cepts used to describe change were largely related to the "self" (e.g., self- concept, self-esteem, self-satisfaction, self-awareness). Notwithstanding the heavy focus on "self" as a research variable, most studies ironically ignore detailed consideration of the individual's af- fective states, perceptions, and cogni- tions associated with wilderness ex- periences (i.e., a more descriptive stage to research). Also, research in this area has not adequately an- swered how and why individuals may change because of a wilderness experience, and very little is known about experiential processes. 1 Behavioral Sciences Department. James Cook University of North Queen- sland. North Queensland. AustraliaT) Statement of Position The research approach adopted used very few initial assumptions about the nature of a wilderness experience or what indeed was happening to individuals in that context. It sought understanding about the wilderness experience itself, from the perspec- tive of the individuals experiencing it, in a particular situational context. In this interactionist framework, what was central was not the indi- vidual, or the physical, and social en- vironment alone, but the ongoing in- teraction between both. This interac- tion is colored by a person's contin- ual appraisal of himself/herself and his/her relationships with the sur- roundings. In this sense, the wilder- ness experience is treated as a multi- faceted situation. The intentions of this analysis were to: 1. Identify the different do- mains of a wilderness experi- ence as perceived by partici- pants. 2. Investigate whether some domains are more salient than others. 3. Study the process of change in those perceptions (if any) throughout a stay in wilder- ness. 4. Explore the relationships among these domains. Participants and the Context of Data Collection The research was conducted in the context of Australian Outward Bound programs — one of the many different ways people can choose to visit a wilderness environment. One should be careful, of course, not to generalize the results obtained in that situation to the full range of wilder- ness experiences; such results, how- ever, can hopefully provide some guidelines for further research. The data collection, which is the focus of this paper, was carried out in the context of three programs in a wilderness setting. Participants were 41 adults (27 males and 14 females), excluding the researcher who was also a participant in this program. The sample ranged in age from 30 to 53 years (mean = 37) and was pre- dominantly from large cities. Partici- pants voluntarily attended these pro- grams and paid their own way. Each of these programs lasted 9 days. The first day involved meeting with the group in an urban location and traveling to the entrance of the wilderness area. Once at the wilder- ness destination, gear was issued, a briefing took place about gear usage and the expedition, participants learned about knots, and planned for food. There were also some group warming-up exercises. The second day was very long and physically demanding. Participants bush-walked, completed the ropes- 11 confidence course, explored a cave, and practiced abseiling (in the USA, the term used is rappelling). The third day, again a very long day, marked the real start of the expedi- tion. That day was devoted to a se- ries of abseils interspersed with walks between abseiling points. The aim was to descend a gorge. During the fourth day, the abseil descent of the gorge was completed and followed by a long walk from the gorge to a river junction. The fifth day introduced the participants to the experience of rafting, cascad- ing, and living around flowing wa- ter. The sixth day was devoted en- tirely to rafting, and in the afternoon the group split for solo. The seventh day was spent on solo. The eighth day was devoted to rafting until ar- riving at the expedition exit point. The last day we packed and re- turned to civilization. Proposed Taxonomy: Domains and Dynamics of a Wilderness Experience Devising the Taxonomy The results presented here relate to the development of a taxonomy of the different domains of a wilder- ness experience and how this taxon- omy was used to look at the proc- esses of this experience. The data collected in this study included a number of ''log books" in which participants recorded their impressions and feelings as the pro- gram developed. The contents of the log books were summarized into meaningful categories representing aspects of a particular experience. Content analysis of the log books then provided a means of validating the appropriateness and comprehen- siveness of the list of categories used to describe that experience. This list of categories is referred to here as a proposed taxonomy of the different domains of a wilder- ness experience. The categories were originally chosen from the Repertory Grid analysis, the literature in the area, and the researcher's first-hand experience with wilderness settings. The information obtained from the Repertory Grid analysis was instru- mental in deriving the taxonomy. Through the Repertory Grid tech- nique (adapted for use in the wilder- ness situation), participants' con- structions or appraisals of their wil- derness experiences were obtained. This technique was based on George Kelly's (1955) Theory of Per- sonal Constructs, which rests on the idea that individuals construe rela- tionships between objects, people, and experiences in terms of bipolar semantic constructs. In this study, each participant was required to compare a number of ex- periences they had during the Out- ward Bound program and provide bipolar labels for these comparisons. These labels were then rated in terms of how appropriate they were in de- scribing each of these experiences. The matrices created were analyzed by a computer program called IN- GRID from the Grid Analysis Pack- age (1981) described in Slater (1977). This program is based on Principal Component Analysis where the total variance in the data is distributed into amounts reflecting the variation in the different components. Thus, the components are a way to exam- ine the spatial organization of the la- bels in relation to the experiences. Through a process of interpreting these different components carried out by a number of judges, a list of wilderness experience domains was obtained. This list was subsequently shortened by grouping these do- mains into broader categories. This study did not discuss this analysis in depth and the results obtained from it (Scherl, in press). The taxonomy comprises two sets of categories. The first set is a "super- ordinate" group of quite general categories. Each of these has several "subordinate" categories, making it a hierarchical framework. The taxonomy presented in figure 1 and the descriptions of each experi- ential aspect in table 1 were written as though individuals were in the wilderness describing their experi- ences. Thus, the experiential domain which refers to effort, for instance, is described as, "when you are concen- trating on something and/ or talking yourself into a difficult task, or when you refer to physical effort." This general category of effort is further classified by differentiating between "physical" or "mental" effort. Procedure for Analysis of the Log Books The task of coding the contents of the log books and the two-tiered structure of the taxonomy (which provides the categories for the cod- ing) presented problems for tradi- tional coding procedures. Traditional coding procedures allow for mem- bership of content in only one exclu- sive category or scale. Here, the re- searcher felt it crucial to permit the categories to "overlap" in the sense that they may apply simultaneously to the same log book entry. In this context, it was also sensible to permit "partial membership" of log book entries in various categories. The assumptions underlying this analytical procedure were based on Fuzzy Sets theory (Smithson 1987). The approach was consistent with the researcher's perspectives on wil- derness experiences (i.e., that they are multi-faceted situations where things happen simultaneously). Thus, each thematic category correspond- ing to a domain of the wilderness experience was treated here as a "Fuzzy Set." Smithson (1987) noted that, "Fuzzy sets have gradations of set memberships and blurred boundaries, and so they resemble, at first glance, the kinds of categories people use in natural thought or communication." Four judges were asked to assign the contents of the log books to the 12 various thematic categories. Assign- ment of the contents were made to both superordinate and subordinate levels of categories, independently. Inter-judge disagreement indices and a reliability measure (intra-judge agreement) were computed. These revealed a very high level of agree- ment both within and between judges.2 Salient Experiential Domains Overall, the list of categories in table 1 was found to be quite exhaus- tive (i.e., it provided a comprehen- sive listing of the array of experien- tial domains mentioned by the par- ticipants writing their log books. Moreover, there were observable dif- ferences in the frequency of usage of these categories with some being used quite often to describe indi- viduals' experiences, while others were rarely used. Tables 2 and 3 present the Relative Frequency (RF) and the percentage of usage for each superordinate and subordinate cate- gory.3 Description of activities was used 25% of the time, and self refer- ents were used 22% of the time. These were the two most salient cate- gories. If one considers that the de- scription of activities may largely be an artifact of writing log books, the two aspects of the Outward Bound experience that are predominant in the participants' writings are self fol- lowed by social settings. It could be suggested that writing about oneself is also an artifact of writing a log 2The inter-rater disagreement index and the reliability measure was calculated by using Fuzzy Set programs (Fuzzy I and Fuzzy 2, Smithson 1987). Indices vary from Oto I, with I representing maximum disagree- ment. The inter-rater index obtained for the overall content analysis was 0.0016, show- ing a very high level of agreement among judges. The reliability index was obtained on the basis of comparing, for each judge, the recoding of a subsample of the data on another occasion with the original rat- ings. The reliability index obtained as the average index for the four judges was 0.0047. 3Relative frequency is the absolute fre- quency of usage of a particular category for all the judges divided by four (the num- ber of judges) and multiplied by the me- dian of the score range to account for the different degrees of membership of con- tents within categories. Superordinate Level Emotional State Self Social Setting Physical Environment Physical State Effort Descriptive General Thoughts Level High Arousal (Positive) High Arousal (Negative) Low Arousal (Positive) Low Arousal (Negative) Others Cop I ng Flow Awareness Capabl I 1 ties/Performance Control No Control Descrl ptlve Leadership Social Feedback Supporti Dependency Involvement/ Interaction Performance Descriptive I nterpretatl ve Impactful Comfortcb I e Unccxnfortab I e Mental Physical Descr I pt I ve Eval uatl ve Dangerous General Thoughts Figure 1 .—A taxonomy of the different domains of a wilderness experience. 13 Tabie 1.— Different domains experience). experience (from the perspective of an individual reporting about his/her "~~~~~~™ ~~™; Superordinate level Emotional stale.-lt refers to your feelings or to the feelings of the group you belong to if it is implioit that you are also feeling that way. Seif -It refers to coanit.ve apprdsal and/or evaluate or perceptions you have about yourself, about your rela- tionships with the immediate social or physical environmental context. Social setting.-lt refers to another person or a group of people or to your perception of belonging to a group. Physical environment.-lt refers to the physical environment either as a whole or to specific aspects of it. jp's physical state if it is implicit that you are also feeling that Physical state. —It refers - way. Effort -When you are c< physical effort. Descriptive,— Merely de tlcuiar incident. •In hfni it something and/or talking yourself into a difficult task, or when you refer to a i are or have been doing, what the group is or has been doing, or a par- /our mind and cannot be placed in the other categories. Subordinate level Em otic that is optimal level), for example rement, eupi* ith high arousal (i.e., an arousal state *»e absetl was exhilarating." »gative).-Wh< I ieveO- For ex< jr feelings are associated with higt i ; apprehension , frightening, etc jsd (i.e.. an arousal • nfraid of sfeepihcj in Em otional state— hi gh arp.u|CH state that is beyond your opti the forest," c « * cw. ,„w nrousal foositive) -When your level of arousal is optima! (i.e., you have enough but not exc# ' camotbe inferred. For example, *ltis very en|oyaWe to be here. . ^/w^w^h- loN/^t nfnrousal is optimal (i.e., you have enough but not ex- Emotional state-low arousal ^ assorted with high arousal or when cessiye stimulation} Also, when you are "^^"J °n ^""^ to leave." your level of arousal cannot be inferred. For example, I teei very sac iu ,« SeH (omers).-How you view yours^ in relationship to others. For example, "I thin* I get on reasonably well with the people." 'I am not as friendly as 1 could be." "I did it first. gaged in. Coping refers to when you have to deal witr \a atuaTion ito »y v , cou(d not seem was difficult to climb the Nil, (Continued) 14 _____ Table 1 .—(continued). Self (flow).— How you view yourseff in relationship to the environment and/or activities you are or have been en- gaged in, "Flow" refers to a state when you perceive yourself as being part of the physical environment and/or in tune with what you are doing, or look forward to something.- for example, "I fee! part of the place/ "I feel at ease with abseiling." "I am looking forward to the day's happenings." Self (awareness). —When you view yourself in relationship to what you thought you were, or you perceived you were, capable of; this implies that you have discovered something about yourself. Also, when you have been made more aware of your capabilities and/or limitations; when certain considerations about you, which you are not often aware of, suddenly become salient. F or example, *l didn't think I would ever back myself down the cliff." "I didn't think 1 could sleep in the dark bush." Self (capabilities/performance).— it refers to an assessment of you being able to do something /or it refers to your performance on something (when no comparison with others Is made), For example. "I am confident I can do it." 1 was not very good at rafting Self (control).— If refers to your perceptions of being in control of a situation. For example, "1 felt I was in control while abseiling." 1 felt at ease with bushwalking." Self (no controD,— It refers to your perceptions of having no control of a situation. For example, 1 suddenly lost con- trol of the ropes." Social setting Social setting (descriptive).— When you are merely describing others, what they are doing (or another person is doing); or mentioning something they have said. For example, "Group B is preparing dinner." "Jenny confessed to me that she was reluctant about coming," Social setting (leadership),— When you Indicate that another person Is instructing or leading you. Within these state- ments, there sometimes might be a perception that others, notyou, are in control of the situation; For example, "We are instructed by../ "We are taken to,.. * Social setting (social feedback).— Any Interactions with others where you receive feedback about yourself or where you give feeaback to others. For example, "Allan made the comment of how organized 1 was." 1 told her it was a good decision." Social setting (support, dependency),— Making an assessment about the extent to wNch others are helpful or sup- portive (i.e., people are construed as resources and/or you perceive some dependency on the group). For ex- ample, "1 probably owe my life to them." 'ii:i'iii!iJ:: Day! Day 2 Day 3 Day 4 Day 5 Day 6 Day? Day 8 General $uperordlnate categories RF % RF % RF % RF RF % RF % RF % RF % RF % 1 Emotioned state 3 Social setting 4 Physical environment 5 Phystcd state 6 . : Effort 7 Description of activities 8 General thoughts 7 10 14 19 8 11 7 12 4 7 5 6:16 5 §i 13 20 24 33 12 17 12 18 7 12 13 24 16 24 6 12 20 33 18 27 9 12 17 23 12 18 15 25 1 1 4 5 6 8 10 15 3 5 3568464646 0068234623 8 15 4 6 12 23 16 30 10 19 18 27 10 20 5 9 3 5 5 7 1 2 12 111 2 35 17 23 17 23 17 25 21 35 14 26 16 24 13 25 3 0 0 1 1 1 11 1 0 II 2 ii 3 PF« Absolute -frequency, divided by 4 times median of score range. % ~ Percentage of time a category has been used. 18 ZZ 9> ti c\» O O tf> «> w 8 $ ^ ^ ^ 8 8 2? ' s? £ <=> ^~ •'- <"» t- C5 O WJ ^.■:-:-:*&---.-.r~-..-- <.*~y':-°:°CM:. ;iSo:::: CO : : CO . GO :: CM : h^, - f^i V-s tQ O ID O • O O O CM ° 8 & "° 0 O T— o . Vir O O -^ T- O T- O W> t- O KJi cg^o^o^^^-coT-oocoeooT-^r^cvooocoT- coco ;^^^'^':^':^^;^^:■,:::;■:■:-:•'':■:':^^^>'-^;^':'''':::>^:::% -:':";-:::::V:':vX":":':'*^^^^''x-''x*x-x ^0»^0«WCM«v>«00^_oa>u>0^oftj^^^ OJ«OO^^O0,«JO^tf>^oCMCMCM^^OO03^t0^«,_o fM^O^-tf>CMO0 tO O CM ■pi •:•€£:•:•:<&•:• Is. - — _ $ S 1? s i g i= en e» a> li i ff 1 i & | mm iE:::::::£::> :W::::*aE*: f | 3 3 3 . :::e*:::::::JB:: iWJiiSi :v?^::::xe;.':: ill! ■ m Q_ mm mm in a 1 IB mi s ■ 1 1 II 13- 2 i =3 •:W:v':;:W:S :Sr; • a* III; - - " - * * * * £ & 3 S 55 £ £ £ ^ m 0 5 ^ : | 1 1 5 III I p 0 Si If § ^ § I « ^ 19 particularly central when coping was required and people had not devel- oped enough trust in the group (day 2) or the group was not available for support (day 7). From day 3 on, self (awareness) was the most salient. In the last day when participants recon- sidered what they had experienced throughout the program, self (aware- ness) accounted for 66% of all that was mentioned about self. By and large, most of the experiences of the Outward Bound course seemed to promote self-discovery and under- standing; at only two points in time were other aspects of self more sali- ent. The latter being on day 1 when individuals were interested in com- paring themselves to others, and on day 2 when one was concerned with coping. It was also noteworthy that during solo, participants achieved a state of "flow," the only time this category was ranked second in us- age. The fact that self was central to individuals' attention suggests that the Outward Bound programs are achieving one of their important ob- jectives (i.e., to provide an opportu- nity for self-evaluation, understand- ing, and reflection). It may also be that people going to Outward Bound programs are more open to the idea of self-evaluation. Some of the par- ticipants' writings with respect to "self" were, "I learned that I am not as friendly as I could be... I started off well with handshakes and at this stage have only related well to two persons." "I don't know that this will be a permanent change for the rest of my life.. .but I know I can do it.. .if I want to and when I want or need to." With reference to the social setting, participants acknowledged support and dependency, particularly during the abseil. It was interesting to note how salient involvement and interac- tion with others became at the end of the program, when, for the first time, this is the most important aspect about the social setting. In general, the trend seemed to be that when atten- tion to the self increased, then atten- tion to the social setting decreased and vice versa. Some examples of participants' references to the social setting are, "The group is working smoothly as a team." "Everyone is so supportive... no criticism, only praise, encouragement, and a helping hand (or foot)." References to the physical environ- ment remained in the background of individuals' perceptions until near solo. It was interesting to note that the environment became quite im- portant to people's experiences, re- gardless of whether this was largely a consequence of having more time to look around. As one participant put it, "For the first time in my life I felt at peace with nature, so obvi- ously the intimate contact with it over the preceding days has had its effect." Still, if one of the major inten- tions of a wilderness experience was to make people aware of the physical features of the environment or the effect that the environment may have upon them, the data here suggest that this objective can be better achieved in situations where coping is not required, and perhaps in smaller groups contexts. According to the log books, participants' emotional states were particularly salient to them at two points in time — during the abseil de- scent when they were apprehensive and fearful, and on the last day when they were excited about having com- pleted the course, but sad that it was over. "It was apparent that the fear was building up, not of the abseiling itself but only of the heights." "I am very sad that the group is splitting up since I am just getting to know people gradually." Effort and physical state, even given the demanding nature of the course, were not mentioned often at any time. This may suggest that the qual- ity of the experience overrode its hardship. It would have been easy to complain about discomfort if one was not getting something in return for one's effort. Still some references to this were made such as, "The pro- gram so far has been quite arduous and pushed us all to our physical limits (and in some cases mental ones) but we have all achieved more than we thought we could." Relationships Among Experiential Domains Overlap coefficients, which are compatible with the assumption of treating each wilderness experiential domain as a "fuzzy set," were used to compute relationships among these different domains (a thorough explanation of these coefficients can be found in Smithson 1987, where this analysis is also cited, and also in Scherl and Smithson 1987). Because partial membership of content into categories is permitted, fuzzy sets may automatically overlap with one another. This, of course, is different from assumptions of independence and linearity on which most conven- tional measures of relationships are based. The concern of this analysis was to find out whether any of the superor- dinate experiential domains over- lapped and, if so, whether the source of the overlap could be traced to cor- responding overlaps between specific pairs of subordinate categories (see Scherl4 and Scherl and Smithson 1987 for more detailed information). For instance, if the experiential domain self overlaps with emotional state, in the sense that when an Outward Bound participant is writing about his/her emotions they also refer spe- cifically to some aspect of the self, which aspect of the self and which particular emotional state co-occur? Two relationships worth noting were found. One, between self and effort, yielded a moderately high overlap coefficient of 0.46. Table 6 summarizes the relationship between 4Scherl. L. M. In preparation. The wilder- ness experience: psychological and moti- vational considerations of a structured ex- perience in a wilderness setting. James Cook University. Unpublished Ph.D. disserta- tion. 20 self and effort, and their respective subordinate categories. Evidently the overlap among the experiential do- mains is spread fairly evenly over both subordinate domains for effort [(a) mental effort and (b) physical ef- fort], but the same cannot be said of the subordinate categories for self. Clearly, there is only one subordinate category of self that overlaps substan- tially with effort, and this is B (cop- ing). The conclusion is that nearly half of the time ,when participants were writing about either mental or physical effort, they mentioned the self and, in particular, how the self was coping. This particular finding confirms an assumption underlying the Outward Bound philosophy. That is, individuals may enhance self-understanding when confronting challenging situations. Relationships among experiential domains need not always be as read- ily traced as the one above. For in- stance, the experiential domains emo- tional state and self overlapped mod- erately, but as table 7 shows, none of their respective subordinate catego- ries overlapped substantially. All emotional subordinate categories ex- cept for c (low arousal positive emo- tions) overlapped somewhat with superordinate self, indicating that the overlap between self and emotional state covers several different kinds of emotions. This fact, combined with the lack of corresponding, overlaps between the subordinate domains of emotion and self point to the conclu- sion that there is some aspect of self that overlaps with emotion that was not included in any of the subordi- nate domains devised by the re- searcher. It may be that a kind of self-consciousness gained from com- ing in closer contact with one's emo- tion in the wilderness setting cannot be as easily labeled in the cognitive domain. Conclusion I hope this taxonomy is suitable for other situations related to wilder- ness experience. However, only fur- ther research will validate or im- prove it as a more general represen- tation of the various dimensions of a wilderness experience. A taxonomy such as this can provide a way of comparing and classifying wilder- ness experiences from different set- tings and/or wilderness experiences of a different nature. It can yield in- formation on frequency of occur- rence of the several experiential do- mains and patterns of change within these experiential domains as por- Tabie 6.— Relations between 2 (self) and 6 (effort). e t 9 6 a b .46 .60 .43 ,01 .00 .00 .34 .46 .34 .00 .00 .00 .04 ,04 .06 ,09 ,11 .07 .15 .15 .00 .00 .00 .00 f Table 7.— Relations between 2 (self) and 1 (emotional s \ tate). 2 a b c d e * 9 1 .31 .10 .15 .30 .13 ,18 ,18 ,19 a .30 .04 .10 b .36 .07 .14 c .24 .01 .01 d .46 ,09 .02 .16 .07 .04 .00 .09 .15 .18 .09 .01 .07 .22 ,04 .00 .00 .18 .02 .00 ,07 .00 .10 y trayed by the participants during the experience. Information regarding manage- ment of wilderness areas may be en- hanced if we can combine this type of knowledge about the individually perceived domains of the wilderness experience with knowledge of de- sired and expected psychological outcomes (as illustrated in the work carried out by B. Driver), or with general knowledge about benefits obtained from wilderness. We may arrive at a point where experiential profiles of different wilderness situ- ations can be developed. By compar- ing these profiles, we may be able to start asking ourselves whether some situational (such as the physical envi- ronment, group composition, struc- ture of activities) attributes or popu- lation attributes or a combination of both are more likely to yield a par- ticular type of experiential profile. As a final note, I would like to look at the discussion here in light of the broader topic of this congress — worldwide conservation. I have been, for some time, concerned with the fact that social scientists working in this area have not been more openly and forcefully using their re- search results and efforts to argue more directly for the preservation of wilderness areas. This is certainly the case in Australia and Brazil, two countries in which I have lived for long periods of time, but I cannot speak for what is happening else- where. When I first wrote for information about this congress, I felt that the re- sults I had obtained from my re- search could help contribute to the argument that wilderness areas should be preserved and that I should at least take some steps in that direction. I have seen and be- come close to people who have had experiential opportunities which were very important to them while in wilderness. Although the state of knowledge in this area, in terms of empirical findings, cannot convinc- ingly be used to argue that the expe- 21 riences found in a wilderness setting are found nowhere else, I have a strong feeling that this is the case and I wonder how many of you would agree with me. With this in mind, earlier this year I participated in the ECOPOLITICS II conference on the politics of the environment, which gathered people from all over Aus- tralia and New Zealand, at which I was the only person to present a pa- per related to wilderness experi- ences. To my surprise, when I re- ceived information back, I realized that a whole symposium devoted to this area was to be held in a con- gress, with the broader theme of worldwide conservation. I felt that there were obviously a lot of other people thinking like me and that feel- ing was rewarding. Yet, I still feel uneasy about whether we are really consciously orienting our work and research ef- forts so that it can help the conserva- tion of wilderness areas, and this, of course, is ultimately a matter of per- sonal choice. But if social scientists working in this area are legitimately concerned about this issue, then we should consider it from the very out- set of our work (i.e., when adopting a research focus). Perhaps, for in- stance, there is a danger of concen- trating research on "benefits" be- cause it may be easier to argue that some benefits obtained in wilderness are not wilderness dependent, and this of course weakens the argument for the preservation of those areas. I am not saying that this type of re- search is not important; if it was not then we would not be here. What I am saying is that, perhaps, we should question if this is the way we would like to continue. If research, instead, concentrates on understand- ing the nature and quality of wilder- ness experiences by more closely ex- amining the individual-wilderness relationship, we may find ourselves in a better position to argue for wil- derness conservation. The argument that the integrity of human experiential possibilities will be lost if these areas are destroyed could be an important one, but its strength as an argument for the pres- ervation of wilderness areas relies on more knowledge about this experien- tial complexity. Biologists can con- vincingly argue now that wilderness areas should be preserved because we need to maintain and protect rep- resentative ecosystems and the spe- cies diversity. We social scientists should be aiming at arguing equally convincingly for the preservation of these environments on the basis of the maintenance and protection of experiential diversity and complex- ity. Once we obtain enough informa- tion in this area, we should attempt to demonstrate that the nature and quality of individual-wilderness interactions are such that they cannot be found elsewhere. Only then, will we be able to more soundly argue that it is wilderness which we need. It seems to me that we need these types of interactions (or the opportu- nity for them) for the maintenance of healthy human functioning, be it psy- chological, physical, spiritual, or mental. Moreover, a research focus that concentrates on the relationship between individual-wilderness and attempts to understand the experien- tial complexity of that situation could also be seen as less ethnocentric. Within this approach, the underly- ing message is that wilderness envi- ronments are something that we re- late with in a special way. Wilder- ness should, therefore, be respected on its own right, and not something which is there so it can fulfill our needs. A less ethnocentric approach, where from the outset the focus is the reciprocal interaction between the individual and wilderness, is per- haps more compatible with a broader environment ethic. Acknowledgments This paper is derived from a doc- toral dissertation research project. Financial support has been received from CAPES (Brazil), The James Cook University of North Queen- sland (Australia), the 4WWC organ- izing committee, and the 'Australian Geographic' magazine. Dr. Joseph P. Reser, in his capacity as supervisor, Dr. Peter Raggatt, Dr. Mike Smith- son, and Dr. Mark Fenton have pro- vided a stimulating exchange of ideas. The support of the Australian Outward Bound School is gratefully acknowledged, its Executive Director Garry Richards in particular. Ian Dight provided the graphics, useful comments, and moral support. Literature Cited Grid Analysis Package. 1981. Univer- sity of Manchester Regional Com- puter Centre (2nd edition). Kelly, G. 1955. The psychology of personal constructs: a theory of personality. New York: Norton. Scherl, L. M. 1986. Self in wilderness: is personal control a viable notion for understanding individual-wil- derness interaction? Presented at 16th annual meeting of Australian social psychologists; May; Townsville. Scherl, L. M. In press. Constructions of a wilderness experience: using the repertory grid technique in the natural setting. Australian Psy- chologist. 1988. Scherl, L. M.; Smithson, M. 1987. A new dimension to content analy- sis: exploring relationships among thematic categories. Quality and quantity. 21. Slater, P. 1977. Exploration of inter- personal space, vols. I & II. Lon- don: John Wiley and Sons. Smithson, M. 1987. Fuzzy set analysis for behavioral and social sciences. New York: Springer- Verlag. Talbot, J. F.; Kaplan, S. 1986. Perspec- tive on wilderness: re-examining the value of extended wilderness experiences. Journal of Environ- mental Psychology. 6. 22 < Episodic versus Continued Wilderness Participation- Implications for Self-Concept Enhancement^ RicharcHSchreyer, Daniel R.QAfilliams, and Lois Haggard1 Abstract.— Much of the focus on the benefits of wilderness for self-concept enhancement has been in short-term, single-episode experiences. This paper suggests a need to focus more on the benefits of long-term participation. Self-concept is a relatively stable construct that evolves gradually through time. Furthermore, people select behaviors which will allow them to express their conceptions of self- concept. Three major dynamics of self-concept expression are discussed in the context of wilderness participation: the creation of opportunity structures, the use of symbols, and the structuring of social interactions. A potential benefit of wilderness is its capacity to help people improve their self-concept (Gibson 1979, Kap- lan 1984). Most research in this area has focused on structured training experiences that represent episodic participation; that is, presumed bene- fits in self-concept are related to single events, though they may have a duration of several weeks. Our purpose in this paper is to suggest the need to focus more attention on the potential role of long-term par- tidpation in maintaining and im- proving self-concept. Self-concept represents one's defi- nition of the self as it is manifested through personality, capabilities, and interactions with others and the envi- ronment. It is a complex mixture of perceptions and evaluations, and is instrumental in guiding future be- haviors, as well as in developing ex- pectations about the responses of others. While these may be inte- grated into an overall assessment, they are in reality an aggregation of many diffuse dimensions. There is some question as to just how stable one's self-concept is. Some researchers maintain that self- concepts are remarkably stable, and that they are often maintained over periods of many years in essentially the same form. From this perspec- 1 Department of Forest Resources [Utah State University. Logan, UTj)Departrnent of Recreation and Leisure, university of Utah, Salt Lake City, UT; and University of Utah, Satt Lake City UT. tive, most human behavior involves attempts to maintain one's self-con- cept (Swann 1983). However, others emphasize the fact that individuals do develop through time, and behav- iors may be selected in order to proj- ect aspirations concerning what an individual would like to become (Jones and Pittman 1982). In this sense, self- concept is a function of an evolution- ary process. Wilderness settings have been pointed to as places that provide considerable potential for self-con- cept improvement. It is important to make a distinction between wilder- ness as a unique place for improve- ment and wilderness as possessing characteristics shared by many other environments that may serve as ve- hicles for the enhancement of self- concept. While not unique in its abil- ity to afford self-concept enhance- ment, wilderness possesses many at- tributes particularly well suited to the development of self-concept. Natural settings are generally characterized by the presence of ob- stacles which present potential chal- lenges. The opportunity for solitude may be linked to increased likelihood that social forces will not interfere with one's confrontation with those natural challenges. Thus, the capacity to focus on one's self-testing is en- hanced. While natural settings in general provide these opportunities, wilderness environments are particu- larly rich in such features. There are some substantial forces influencing the manifestation of self-concept ori- ented behaviors in episodic, as op- posed to non-episodic, participation which should be considered. Episodic Participation We define episodic participation as a single participation event in wil- derness, whether for a single day or a period of several weeks. The person may visit wilderness at some future date, but that is unknown; the focus of imputed benefits is within the con- text of this participation event. Our focus is primarily on structured ex- periences, such as NOLS or Outward Bound, in which the purported goal of the experience is in fact to improve self-efficacy. Issues in Self-Concept Improvement The effectiveness of such pro- grams has been subject to debate. However, there is a large and grow- ing literature documenting empirical results showing improvements as measured by various self-concept instruments in pretest-posttest situ- ations (Burton 1981; Driver et al. 1987; Ewert 1983, 1987; Kaplan 1984). The bulk of this literature alone sug- gests support for presumptions of improvement. Issues which remain arguable are: To what extent is self-concept im- 23 proved, as opposed to the individual dimensions measured by the various scales? Is the observed change really long term? Are improvements noted real, but in fact not supported by the person's environment once the indi- vidual returns to previous social structures? Given that self-concept is a stable construct essentially resistant to change through time, are the brief changes of such episodic events re- ally likely to alter self -concept, some- thing few other episodic events are expected to do? The Role of Wilderness In addition to the concern for the limits of episodic events in being able to make significant and/ or long term changes in self-concept, there is a concern about the extent to which wilderness provided the benefit, as opposed to the structured event. Cer- tainly wilderness serves as the vehicle for such improvement. But the impe- tus may come not so much from the environment, or even from the self, as it comes from the social situation. As we have mentioned, self-con- cept is instrumentally related to so- cial response from the environment. Episodic events are structured social situations in which the rhetoric and consequent agenda are aimed at meeting challenges and improving one's self-concept. In this sense, any vehicle (urban environment, gymna- sium, etc.) could be used within the context of the event. Because the en- vironment is unfamiliar and the tasks are programmed, persons are essen- tially put into a dependency relation- ship with instructors in which per- formance may be tantamount to so- cial approval. The structured learn- ing situation may be the mechanism of improvement, not wilderness. Values and Self-Concept Another major issue is the role of values in the wilderness/ self-concept link. This may sound somewhat out of place in a discussion focusing on empirical outcomes as opposed to philosophy, but the consequences may be more significant in the long run. The use of wilderness as a ve- hicle to abet a structured process is es- sentially value-neutral. This effec- tively removes the benefit process one step further from wilderness as a concept. The implications of this may be seen through a couple examples. Ultra-rightwing paramilitary organi- zations may use such environments to improve the self-efficacy of mem- bers with the ultimate goal of facili- tating the ability to commit murder and mayhem. Large corporations are increasingly sending executives to such structured experiences in order to help members more effectively claw their way up the organizational hierarchy. The values of those who would commit warfare or engage in egre- gious exploitation of resources to maximize corporate gain appear to be anathema to the fundamental meaning of wilderness. Yet because wilderness can be used as a vehicle for a process, these mechanisms be- come effectively value-neutral; they can be used for the manifestation of any perspective. This serves to fur- ther widen the gap between the bene- fits of the process and the benefits of wilderness. We recognize that many wilderness training programs incor- porate wilderness values as part of their instruction. However, we know of no research that shows those val- ues to be the actual source of self- concept improvement, in distinction to the nature challenge elements of the structured process. Long Term Participation The purpose of this paper is not so much to argue against the benefits to self-concept enhancement of episodic structured participation as it is to contrast the dynamics of such self- improvement with that of long term participation. As we have noted, there are two major dynamics in- volved in self-concept: the first is verification or concept maintenance. The second involves concept devel- opment. Self-Concept Maintenance People will actively seek to main- tain interactions with the world that affirm self-concepts. Swann (1983) identifies three strategies for doing this: the creation of "opportunity structures" or situations in which self-concept may be affirmed, the use of symbols to represent personal self- concept, and structuring the nature of social interactions to affirm the concept. We believe wilderness envi- ronments— again, while not unique in this regard — provide particular opportunities for manifestation of these strategies. Opportunity structures. — Wilder- ness represents a particularly potent opportunity structure. Behavior is defined as relatively free, giving the individual the chance to develop the pattern of participation which will be most likely to reinforce the individ- ual's conception of self-concept. Sch- lenker (1984) uses the term "selective performance" to characterize our tendency to select those activities most likely to permit our identities to be developed. Wilderness affords the individual maximal opportunity to perform one's selected activities in order to create one's personal opportunity structure. A major distinction be- tween this and structured events is that the opportunity setting here is manifested through personal choice, as opposed to adapting to an imposed structure. Of course, many persons enter structured episodic events vol- untarily, but that is not the same as structuring one's own personal op- portunity setting. Symbols. — The affirmation of self- concept through symbols is particu- larly enhanced. Perhaps no other use 24 of land is so heavily imbued with symbolic meaning as wilderness. The physical setting which could serve as a mere vehicle for self-efficacy thus takes on a broader significance through its symbolic meaning as wil- derness, increasing its utility to indi- vidual self-concept maintenance. Thus, the values inherent in wilderness become a major source of self-con- cept expression, as opposed to value- neutral processes. The richness in the symbolic val- ues of wilderness also enhances the ability of people to display symbols to affirm self-concept. Identification with wilderness through these sym- bols may be reinforced through long term participation. Such symbols as books, artwork, membership in wil- derness organizations, and types of clothing are frequently used vehicles for self-concept expression. Social interactions. — Persons seek to structure the nature of social inter- actions in order to affirm conceptions of the self. One of the ways this is facilitated is through the evolution and adoption of norms of wilderness behavior. An entire lifestyle may be created around the norms and values expressed in the appreciation and manifestation of appropriate behav- iors in wilderness. Continued inter- action with others who share similar values and norms is a powerful means of self-concept reinforcement. One may argue that episodic structured experiences teach norms of appropriate behavior, but the dis- tinction here can better be under- stood through the analogy of know- ing a foreign language. What we are talking about would be akin to the difference between becoming profi- cient in a foreign language and being able to use it to attain intimacy with others, as opposed to the process of learning the foreign language itself. Self-Concept Enhancement The other component of self-con- cept— that of personal enhance- ment— also gains impetus through continued participation. Kelly (1987) has asserted that one of the major roles of leisure participation in gen- eral is to give individuals the oppor- tunity to project desired self-concep- tions, and then choose activities to allow them to become those pro- jected selves. The free-choice context of leisure allows for the chance to change op- portunity structures in desired direc- tions. Thus, it is inherent in the na- ture of continued participation that it allows people to identify those com- ponents of leisure experiences which are most enhancing of the self, and then allows the individual to work toward that change. These themes are echoed in the literature on devel- opment, as manifested in such evolu- tionary concepts as recreational spe- cialization (Bryan 1977). Persons with greater amounts of experience change qualitatively in the values they ascribe to participation (Schreyer et al. 1984). Further, such continued participation results in an ever more focused attachment to as- pects of the experience which may afford personal identification and reward. It is possible to argue that we are returning to models of self-concept enhancement that are more focused on process than on wilderness per se. However, the critical distinction is that these processes of development find their essential manifestation in long-term participation rather than in episodic events. Beyond that, the ca- pacity of wilderness settings to allow opportunities for self-enhancement may be essentially similar to other settings. Conclusion We believe significantly more at- tention should be focused on the po- tential benefits of long-term wilder- ness participation in enhancing self- concept. In particular, we believe that such an emphasis can help ar- ticulate the role of wilderness values in the process of self-concept forma- tion, rather than merely using wil- derness environments as vehicles for socialization processes. Further, it can enhance our appreciation of the developmental advantages of contin- ued participation as opposed to epi- sodic structured events. Wilderness settings have the po- tential to benefit individuals in many ways. We wish to broaden the pic- ture. Literature Cited Bryan, H. 1977. Leisure value sys- tems and recreational specializa- tion: the case of trout fisherman. Journal of Leisure Research. 9(3): 174-187. Burton, L. M. 1981. A critical analysis and review of the research on Out- ward Bound and related pro- grams. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University. Ph.D. disserta- tion. Driver, B. L.; Nash, R.; Haas, G. 1987. Wilderness benefits: a state-of- knowledge review. In: Lucas, R. C, ed. Proceedings, National wil- derness research conference: is- sues, state-of-knowledge, future directions. Gen. Tech. Rep. INT- 220. Ogden, UT: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, In- termountain Forest and Range Ex- periment Station: 294-319. Ewert, A. 1983. Outdoor adventure and self-concept: a research analy- sis. Eugene, OR: College of Hu- man Development and Perform- ance, University of Oregon. Ewert, A. 1987. Values, benefits and consequences in outdoor adven- ture recreation. In: A literature re- view: the President's commission on Americans outdoors. Washing- ton, DC: 71-80. Gibson, P.M. 1979. Therapeutic as- pects of wilderness programs: a comprehensive literature review. Therapeutic Recreation Journal. 13(2): 21-33. 25 Jones, E. E.; Pittman, R. 1982. To- ward a general theory of self-pres- entation: defined by attributions sought by the actor. In: Suls, J.; Greenwald, A. G., eds. Psycho- logical perspectives on the self, volume 1. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum: 231-262. Kaplan, R. 1984. Wilderness percep- tion and psychological benefits: an analysis of a continuing program. Leisure Sciences. 6(3): 271-290. Kelly, J. R. 1987. Freedom to be— a new sociology of leisure. New York, NY: MacMillan. Schlenker, B. R. 1984. Identifies, iden- tification and relationships. In: Derlaga, V., ed. Communication, intimacy and close relationships. New York, NY: Academic Press. Schreyer, R.; Lime, D. W.; Williams, D. R. 1984. Characterizing the in- fluence of past experience on rec- reation behavior. Journal of Lei- sure Research. 16(1): 34-50. Swann, W. B. 1983. Self-verification: bringing social reality into har- mony with the self. In: Suls, J.; Greenwald, A. G., eds. Psycho- logical perspectives on the self. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum: 33-66. The Effects of Pretesting and Degree of Adventure on Self-Concepts Anderson B. (young and Thomas W.^teele1 Abstract.— Involving 184 participants in four college level Outdoor Education Practicums (OEP), this study tested (1) whether posttest Tennessee Self Concept Scale (TSCS) scores were higher for groups exposed to the instrument as a pretest; (2) whether groups exposed to Project Adventure during the OEP had higher TSCS scores than those in the standard OEP; and (3) whether the OEP effected positive self concept change. No significant differences were found for groups exposed to the pretest or to the Project Adventure component. Effects of the basic, low adventure, OEP were significant. Over 100 studies have been con- ducted on the effects of Outward Bound, adventure education, and related types of outdoor programs. Most frequently, the dependent vari- able is self-concept, usually meas- ured by the Tennessee Self Concept Scale (TSCS). These studies stem from the idea that the progression of challenges faced by program partici- pants leads to desirable increases in self-confidence, self-concept, and other characteristics. Despite a num- ber of exceptions, the collective trend of these studies suggests that such programs have a positive effect on self-concept. Unfortunately, as noted repeatedly across the last decade (Ewert 1983, Holmes 1985, Iida 1976, van der Smissen 1976), most studies claiming significant effects are weak- ened by one or more of the following flaws: 1. The most common weakness is the use of one group de- signs. As emphatically noted by Campbell and Stanley (1963), the one-group pretest- posttest design forces the re- searcher to make clear why positive results should be attributed to the treatment instead of nearly every con- ceivable threat to internal validity. In most instances, 1 Department of Recreation and Leisure Studies,(§tate University College at Cort- land. Cortland. NY?) researchers have not faced that formidable task. 2. In the studies employing comparison (control) groups, the subject groups and /or the treatment given are highly nonequivalent. Treat- ment groups are usually self- selected, predisposing them to being affected by the treat- ment, while comparison groups are generally com- prised of those who did not seek or receive any treat- ment. Although covariate analysis can ameliorate prob- lems of statistical none- quivalency, it cannot be trusted to solve the problem of differential recruitment (Campbell and Stanley 1963). Even in studies with ran- domly selected or similarly recruited comparison groups, educational research ought to compare alternate forms of treatment rather than some instruction or no instruction. 3. In nearly every study, all subjects are pretested. Nei- ther through design nor sta- tistical analysis are pretest effects measured. One won- ders if similar results could be expected with groups not exposed to the instrument prior to treatment. 4. Finally, few studies have at- tempted to identify the com- ponents of outdoor programs that affect outcomes. Because so many different types of outdoor programs seem to yield positive self-concept change, there certainly is no single formula for success. Yet little is known about the critical ingredients for de- signing effective programs. Indeed, it is not even clear to what degree an outdoor pro- gram has to fit the adven- ture-education model of pro- gressive challenges in order to achieve significant changes in self-concept. There are exceptional studies that serve as models for further research. Through a longitudinal study with 16 one-group pretest-posttest replica- tions, the durable gains reported by Holmes (1985) were more convincing than the findings of earlier one-group studies. In different ways, other studies (Ewert 1982, George 1979, Stogner 1978) represent improved recruitment of comparison groups or more appropriate comparisons of al- ternative treatments. Not only did George's study compare viable treat- ment alternatives, it also approached a "component analysis" by having two of the compared treatments dif- fer in only one respect. The issue of pretesting, which can only be meas- ured in a true experimental design 27 with random selection, seems not to have been addressed before the pres- ent study. Despite many studies on the ef- fects of high-adventure outdoor pro- grams on self-concept, there remain unanswered questions which form the basis for the hypotheses tested in this study. Hypotheses 1. Exposure to the TSCS as a pretest, in itself or through treatment interaction, affects posttest TSCS scores. Test- retest reliability findings for the TSCS would suggest that pretest exposure, in itself, does not affect subsequent posttest scores.2 In conjunc- tion with a treatment, how- ever, pretests could affect outcomes. Outdoor-program studies to date have not ex- amined whether comparable results can be achieved with subjects who were not pre- tested. 2. Subjects exposed to Project Adventure or a ropes course component during an out- door program will have higher TSCS scores than sub- jects who do not receive ropes course training. In Outward Bound types of ad- venture-education programs, ropes course training is a standard component. In that 2 7b test the hypothesis that pretests inter- act with treatments to affect posttest scores, one also could regard the pretest as a treatment and create a replicated facto- rial nonequivalent control group design with Project Adventure or level of adven- ture as the other independent variable. Unfortunately, one cannot use the pretest as a covariate and as a treatment. There- fore, despite nominal and statistical equivalency of groups, the results would have to be viewed cautiously. Using this approach, no significant main or interac- tion effects were found. context, it is definitely needed in the progression of skills instruction for the mountaineering experiences that follow. Yet its popularity as a stand-alone program and as a component in non- mountaineering personal growth oriented outdoor programs would suggest that many practitioners believe it to be a critical program com- ponent. That belief or similar postulations (e.g., Ewert 1983) about linear relation- ships between personality changes and adventure ac- tivities are untested hypothe- ses. 3. A professional preparation course in outdoor education (Outdoor Education Prac- ticum or OEP), not rooted in the adventure education model, will effect significant changes in self-concept. Seek- ing to promote personal growth, many programs have tried to emulate the Outward Bound /adventure- education model. Some may wonder if shorter programs, conducted in less remote ar- eas, with less emphasis on stress inducing challenges, and involving lower-risk ac- tivities, can in any way ap- proach the success of Out- ward Bound. Methods The study was conducted during two physical education and two rec- reation education summer Outdoor Education Practicums (OEP) at the SUNY-Cortland Outdoor Education Center in the Adirondacks. The OEP is a required, hands-on professional preparation course in the methods and principles of outdoor education and organized camping. Secondarily, it seeks to foster positive environ- mental attitudes. The OEP includes 7 or 8 days of skills training at the Cen- ter and 5 or 6 days of flatwater canoe tripping in semiwilderness areas. For this study, one physical educa- tion department OEP and one recrea- tion department OEP were modified to include high ropes adventure ac- tivities. In other respects, these two OEP's were nearly identical to their low or nonadventure education, con- trol-group counterparts. In all four OEP's, half of the stu- dents were randomly selected for pretesting with the Tennessee Self Concept Scale (TSCS). All subjects were posttested. Design The overall research paradigm was a nonsimultaneous variation of the separate-sample pretest-posttest control-group design (Campbell and Stanley 1963). Its complex appear- ance in figure 1 is simplified by rec- ognizing within it the simpler and more powerful designs that were used to address the three research questions. For clarity, the component designs are named in conjunction with their associated research ques- tions or hypotheses. 1. To test the hypothesis chat exposure to a pretest affects posttest scores, one combines the pretest with the treat- ment variations (0 + Xt and 0 + and regards 0 + Xj and 0 + X2 as //tTeatments./, Con- sequently, one can test the hypothesis through four rep- lications of the true experi- mental posttest-only control- group design or through a single large posttest-only control-group design with a four strata random sample. If the pretest interacts with ei- ther of the treatments, the 0 + X, or the 0 + Xj groups should have higher posttest scores. 28 2. To test the hypothesis that the OEP with an added ad- venture education compo- nent would effect higher self- concept scores than the OEP without project adventure, one eliminates the unpro- tested subgroupings to create two separate nonequivalent control-group studies (fig. 2). Given nominal and statistical equivalency, replication, and covariate analysis, results can be interpreted with measurable levels of confi- dence. 3. Finally, to test the hypothesis that the OEP (with or with- out a project adventure com- ponent) affects self concept, one, again, eliminates the unprotested subgroupings to create four replications of the pre-experimental one-group pretest-posttest design (fig. 3). Although normally con- sidered a weak design, in this application, most threats to internal validity could be dismissed. History was con- trolled through the experi- mental isolation of subjects during the OEP itself and through replication. Regard- ing maturation, existing re- search would refute claims that in the span of 2 weeks, with or without intervention, college students' self-con- cepts normally change (Dick- inson 1979, Fitts 1965). Test- ing effects would be meas- ured in the findings for hy- pothesis 1 . Because the TSCS is a fixed, printed test with established reliability, instru- mentation problems were improbable. Regression ef- fects were unlikely because groups deviated minimally from TSCS norms and be- cause the design permitted replication of results. Selec- tion and mortality are nor- mally controlled by this de- sign. Of all the threats to in- ternal validity, only the inter- action of selection with other factors would remain as a possible but improbable threat. R 0 X , 0 R X , 0 R 0 X 2 0 R X 2 0 (Physical Education Hajors) R 0 X , 0 R X, 0 (Recreation Hajors) R 0 X 2 0 R X 2 0 SYMBOL MEANING X1 Outdoor Education Practicua (OEP) X2 OEP Kit h Project Adventure Unit 0 T e n n e s s ee Self Concept Seal e R R a n d o ■ Ass ignnent S i a i 1 a r statist ly recruited) n o a i n a ically equivalent My & Differ* statist ntly recruitedf noai ically nonequivalent rally & Figure 1.— Research paradigm: nonsimultaneous variation of the separate -sample pretest- posttest control-group design. Subjects The study involved 184 recreation and physical education majors who were taking the respective summer Outdoor Education Practicums a§ a requirement for their majors. Most recreation majors had finished their sophomore or junior year; most physical education majors had com- pleted their junior or senior year. The mean ages of physical education and recreation majors were 22.2 and 20.3, respectively. Seventy percent of the recreation majors were women. Only 43.6% of the physical education ma- jors were women. Physical education majors chose OEP sections on a seniority basis; recreation majors were assigned to sections in a quasi-random fashion. Because of differing methods of as- signment, male-female ratios, ages, and pretest scores, physical educa- tion and recreation major groupings could not be considered equivalent, even for the purpose of a none- quivalent control group design. Pre- test measures confirmed the reason- able equivalency of the two physical education groupings and of the two recreation groupings. 29 Treatments The study was conducted at the SUNY-Cortland Outdoor Education Center, accessible only by water, in the Adirondack region of New York State. The principal treatment, the Outdoor Education Practicum, is a required, experientially taught pro- fessional preparation course in the methods and principles of outdoor education and organized camping. Secondarily it seeks to foster positive environmental attitudes. The OEP includes 7 or 8 days of "in-camp" skills training at the Center and 5 or 6 days of flatwater canoe tripping in semiwilderness areas. Although now teaching up-to-date low-impact camping skills, its basic character builds on the school-camping or resi- dent outdoor education model de- scribed by Carlson (1983). For this study, one physical educa- tion department OEP and one recrea- tion department OEP were modified to include high ropes adventure ac- tivities. Physical education students spent 1 day doing low and high ele- ments under the supervision of certi- fied Project Adventure instructors and another half day of rappelling. Recreation students had a similar 1- day Project Adventure experience but did not rappel. In other respects, these two OEP's were nearly identi- cal to their low or nonadventure- education, control group counter- parts. The physical education stu- dents not receiving Project Adven- ture spent more time in orienteering and nature study. Their recreation counterparts took a day paddle to net suckers in a nearby stream. Instrumentation The Tennessee Self Concept Scale (Fitts 1965), used in this study, meas- ures overall self-esteem and 10 other aspects of self-concept such as iden- tity, self-satisfaction, physical-self, and social-self. With well established reliability and validity (Bentler in Bu- ros 1972, Fitts 1965), the TSCS was the most commonly used measure in earlier studies of outdoor programs and self-concept (Ewert 1983, Iida 1976). Because the instrument's 10 subscales are intercorrelated (Bentler), only its 'Total Positive" overall self-esteem score was used. Analysis Instruments were hand scored and double checked for accuracy before entering data for computer analysis by the Statistical Package for the So- cial Sciences (SPSS). Data were ana- lyzed using SPSS descriptive, analy- o x , o l Phyj i c a I EWcTt ion Majors) 0 X 2 0 0 X , 0 (Recreation Majors) 0 X 2 0 SYMBOL *1 MEANING Outdoor Education Pnctlcui (OEP) OEP with Project Adventure Unit Tennessee Self Concept Scale Slil I a r I y recruited, not I n« I I y & statistically equivalent Olfferently recruited, nominally & statistically nonequiva Itnt Figure 2.— Nonsimultaneous, nonequivalent control group design. (Statistical none- quivalence and other factors prompted use of Physical Education majors and Recreation majors as representing different populations. Hence the experiment is conducted twice; i.e., if has built in replication.) 0X0 0X0 0X0 SYMBOL MEANING X Outdoor Education Pnct Icui (OEP) 0 Tennessee Self Concept Scale Figure 3.— Replicated one-group pretest-posttest design. 30 sis of variance (ANCOVA), covari- ance, and t-test procedures. AN- COVA was used to examine the pre- experimental equivalence of subject groups. An independent t-test was appropriate for the posttest-only de- sign used with the first hypothesis. The dependent t-test was appropri- ate for the pretest-posttest design of hypothesis 3. Analysis of covariance, which adjusts posttest scores to com- pensate for pretest differences, was used with the nonequivalent control group design associated with the sec- ond hypothesis. All hypotheses were evaluated at the .05 level. Results 1. Hypothesis 1 stated that the mean posttest score for sub- jects taking a pretest before the OEP would be higher than that of subjects not pre- tested. As indicated in table 1, the pretested mean of 357.5 was not significantly different from the mean of 355.7 for subjects who were not pretested, t (182) = -0.44, p = .662. The null hypothesis was accepted.3 2. The second hypothesis stated that the adjusted mean score of subjects receiving a com- ponent of Project Adventure training would be higher than that of subjects exposed 3/n several instances the reader, noting that the sizes of compared groups differ, may question whether the homogeneity-of- variance assumption has been violated. It has. As Hopkins and Glass (1978. p. 257. 358) point out. however, the violation is in- consequential when the larger n is associ- ated with the larger variance or when the null hypothesis is asserted. From that per- spective, therefore, the violations in this study were inconsequential. r. Table Mean posttest "Total P" overall self-esteem scores as a function of pretesting (replicated for four groups). Groupl n Not pretested 22 Pretested 21 Group 2 n Not pretested 27 'Pretested Wmm Group 3 n Not pretested 24 Pretested 23 Group 4 n Not pretested 21 Pretested 24 All groups n Not pretested 94 Pretested 90 Mean 355.77 353.10 Mean 347.22 350.73 Mean 363.71 354.00 Mean 357.33 370.83 Mean 355.69 S D, 22.11 21.72 S.D. 30.09 25.78 S D. 18.97 34.10 29.96 29.99 S.D. : 26,14 357,47 29.15 i value 0.40 /value -043 t value 1.21 f value -1.51 t value -044 DF Ifll DF 47 DF 45 DF 43 ill 182 P ,691 P .668 P .231 P .139 P .662 Note: Group ? = Recreation without Project Adventure; Group 2 = Recreation with Project Adventure; Group 3 ±= Physical Education without Project Adventure; Group 4 W^ysica} Education with Project Adventure. only to the OEP. Because this experiment was replicated, two sets of data are pre- sented in table 2. The ad- justed posttest means of the two physical education groups differed little. In the replication with recreation majors, the difference was greater. The mean of the Project Adventure group was 354.2, while the mean of the OEP-only group was 349.7. Nevertheless, as illus- trated in analysis of covari- ance (ANCOVA) tables 3 and 4, the differences were insig- nificant in both the initial physical education test [F (1, 44) = 0.12, p=. 734] and the replication study with rec- reation majors [F (1, 44) = 1.17, p= .286]. The final hypothesis sug- gested that the Outdoor Edu- cation Practicum would ef- fect significant gains in the overall self-concept of sub- jects. Table 5 shows the means, gains, and t- values for each class and for the four groups combined. Ex- amined individually, three of the four OEP's were found to have had significant effects at the .05 level. When com- bined, the posttest mean of 357.5, a gain of 9.21, also re- flected a significant change [t (89) = -6.19,p=<.001]. Discussion This study addressed three ques- tions: (1) whether TSCS pretests would affect posttest TSCS scores; (2) whether increasing a program's level of adventure with ropes course train- ing would affect self-concept; and (3) whether a required college Outdoor Education Practicum, not rooted in the adventure-education model, could effect significant changes in 31 self-concept. Neither pretesting nor the Project Adventure component had significant effects on self-con- cept. The Outdoor Education Prac- ticum did have significant effects. Strictly speaking, these results cannot be generalized beyond these populations of professional prepara- tion students. Nevertheless, because the design of the study permitted each finding to be replicated, the im- plications merit consideration. 1. TSCS pretests need not be given to achieve results, and they do not bias results. Given the established test- retest reliability of the TSCS, this finding was not surpris- ing. Nevertheless, usual re- search designs have, at best, controlled for rather than measured, pretest effects. Further replication of this study's finding would re- move any doubts program- mers have about whether re- sults can be achieved if no pretest is given. Equally im- portant, researchers would have less reason to suspect testing contamination in the existing body of studies that used one-group designs. (Unfortunately researchers and practitioners still face the external validity question of posttest effects.) 2. As a 1- or 2-day addition to a program, Project Adventure or ropes course training is not critical to self-concept change. Even the most en- thusiastic proponent of Proj- ect Adventure would be re- luctant to claim that a single day or two will alter person- ality. Nevertheless, in the context of the OEP, Project Adventure represented an increase in the level of stress and adventure. Therefore, it is worth noting that not ev- ery increase in adventure programming yields self-con- cept gains. This finding does not suggest, however, that the ropes course experience was a waste of time. Stu- dents enjoyed it which is im- portant in itself. In many contexts it is certainly useful for skills instruction and other outcomes not meas- ured in this study. Further, Project Adventure, when combined with other growth- enhancing program compo- nents, may augment out- comes. Additional research is needed to explore this possi- bility. 3. Adventure-education need not be the primary aim or model to achieve positive gains in self-concept. Perhaps too often outdoor profession- als think their programs must emulate the dramatic activities and settings associ- ated with Outward Bound. In fact, self-concept gains can be achieved through less m >taf positive initia ^th Physical Education Majors rh Project Adventure 23 rhout Project Adventure 24 363. Unadjusted Adjusted 361.31 359 92 Replication study with Recreation Majors OEP with Project Adventure OEP without Project Adventure r Table as co Source of variation I Pretest . Treatment; Residual • Total -Analysis of covariance; posttest self-esteem scores wtth pretest ate (physical education). Sum of squares 41901;26; 20.41: 7667.67 49589.32 square 20 4 174.2: >40.45 0.12 <001 734 46 Table 4.— Analysis of covariance: posttest self-esfeem scores with pretest as covariate (recreation). 1 Source of variation Pretest . Treatment Residua! Total Sum of squares df Mean square 16017,86 210 97 7221.57 23450.42 bO 17.86 210.97 180 54 68.72 MM Hi wmm 32 striking and less contrived challenges and through a va- riety of other means. Because subjects in this study were older and more physically able than those in most re- lated research, many might think they would require greater adventure challenges to be affected. Nevertheless they changed during the OEP. Unfortunately this study did not reveal why they changed. Subjects spent more than half their time in the relative comfort of the 500-acre Outdoor Education Center. Their canoe trips lasted only 5 nights. The Practicum goals listed skills learning, professional prepa- ration, and environmental appreciation above personal growth. The practicum direc- tors, former students of L. B. Sharp and Julian Smith, were not inclined to quote Kurt Hahn or Claude Cousineau. Despite minimal resemblance to an Outward Bound type of program, the OEP effected significant change in stu- dents' self-concept. Concluding a literature review and speaking of Outward Bound, Alan Ewert (1983) once said, "we have discovered an educational black box; we know something works but we don't know why or how." Per- haps we have discovered another "black box" or Alan's black box is bigger than first imagined. Regard- less, we still don't know why or how. All three questions addressed in this study are a reminder of how little is r Table 5.~Effecl of OEP on overall self-este* groups). iated for four Group 1 Pretest Posttesf Group 2 Pretest Posttest Group 3 Pretest Posttest Group 4 Pretest Posttest Mean 342.00 353/10 Mean 344.68 Mean 342.00 35400 Mean 363.04 370.83 Gain 1 6.05 -4. t 1 20 .00 i t value df p -1.74 21 ,097 All groups Mean Pretest 348.27 Posttest 357,46 25.78 S.D. 33.02 3410 S.D. 34.59 29.99 S.D. 31.77 29,15 Gain rvalue df 12.00 Gain mm Gain -5,29 22 <001 rvalue df -2.36 t value -6.19 23 df 89 027 II; p <001 Note: Group } = Recreation without Project Adventure: Group 2 = Recreation with Project Adventure; Group 3 - Physical Education without Project Adventure; Group 4 - Physical Education with Project Adventure, known about specific variables re- sponsible for self concept changes during outdoor programs. Two small variables were tentatively ruled out in this study. Researchers and pro- gram designers have the task of iden- tifying what must be included. Acknowledgments This study was made possible in part by an Alumni Grant for the Im- provement of Instruction from the AlumniAssociation of the State Uni- versity College at Cortland. With acknowledgment of prior presentation, this paper was inclu- ded in Proceedings of the 1989 Northeast Recreation Research Sym- posium, April 3-5, Saratoga Springs, N.Y. Literature Cited Buros, 0. K., ed. 1972. The seventh mental measurements yearbook. Highland Park, NJ: Gryrhon Press: 366-367. Campbell, D. T.; Stanley, J. C. 1963. Experimental and quasi-experi- mental designs for research. Chi- cago: Rand McNally. Carlson, M. 1983. Realia in the rec- reation education curriculum. JOPERD. 54, (9). Dickinson, R. 1979. A study to deter- mine self-concept change through a program of wilderness skill de- velopment. Specialist in Education Practicum Report, University of Northern Colorado. Ewert, A. W. 1982. A study of the effects of participation in an Out- ward Bound short course upon the reported self-concept of se- lected participants. Dissertation Abstracts International. 43: 3038A- 3131A. (University Microfilms No. DA8301775.) Ewert, A. 1983. Outdoor adventure and self-concept: a research analy- sis. Eugene, OR: University of Oregon, Department of Recreation and Park Management. 33 Fitts, W. H. 1965. Tennessee self con- cept scale. Los Angeles: Western Psychological Services. George, R. 1979. Learning survival self-sufficiency skills and partici- pating in a solo camping experi- ence related to self concept. Dis- sertation Abstracts International. 40: 106A. Holmes, C. A. 1985. The effects of a therapeutic wilderness camping program on the self-concept of adolescent females. Cornell Uni- versity. Unpublished Master's the- sis. Hopkins, K. D.; Glass, G. U. 1978. Basic statistics for the behavioral sciences. Englewood Cliffs, NJ. Iida, M. 1976. Adventure-oriented programs — a review of research. In: van der Smissen, B., ed. Re- search camping and environ- mental education. University Park, PA: Penn State HPER Series No. 11. Stogner, J. D. 1978. The effects of a wilderness experience on self-con- cept and academic performance. Dissertation Abstracts Interna- tional. 39: 4696A-4791A. (Univer- sity Microfilms No. 7903204.) van der Smissen, B. 1976. The dy- namics of research. In: van der Smissen, B., ed. Research camping and environmental education. University Park, PA: Penn State HPER Series No. 11. * Changes in Self-Efficacy Through Outdoor Skills Instruction^ David^Cockrell1 Abstract.— Changes in specific and generalized efficacy resulting from exposure to outdoor skills instruction were examined for six different activities with varying levels of risk and arousal. Results suggest that a short experiential outdoor skills course can produce positive changes in efficacy expectations for performance and that greatest efficacy gains are found in those with low initial expectations. Activities with higher arousal potential appear to be more effective in producing efficacy changes. Why do people expose themselves to the risks of discomfort, injury, or even death during leisure? What val- ues do they seek or derive from struggling with wild environments their ancestors spent millennia sub- duing and avoiding? These very old questions have gained added ur- gency since World War II as Out- ward Bound, the National Outdoor Leadership School, and now many schools and universities teach stu- dents the skills needed to cope with travel and life in the wild outdoors. Why is this education important? What do students take away from our classes? Do the lessons from "risk recreation" transfer to other as- pects of life? To understand the motives of wil- derness recreationists, many wilder- ness management researchers have turned to the expectancy theory of motivation, examining the psycho- logical outcomes desired and ex- pected by participants (e.g., Manfredo et al. 1983). However, Schreyer et al. (1978) have suggested that simply participating in an activ- ity that allows a person to have an impact on his own destiny may be motivating in itself, regardless of the subsequent outcomes. White's (1959) "competence-effectance" motive is proposed as an alternative theoretical construct to guide research. Simi- larly, Allen (1980) proposed Ban- dura's (1977) efficacy expectations (convictions that one can perform the ' Division of Health, Physical Education and RecreationSyirginia Polytechnic Insti- required acts) as a supplementary type of expectation to outcome expec- tations. While wildland recreation re- searchers have looked to desired psychological outcomes as the bene- fits of participation, outdoor educa- tors have emphasized self-concept and personality changes as principal benefits of participation in outdoor programs (e.g., Iida 1975). Such effec- tive changes have been obtained in a moderately large percentage of stud- ies, but there remain some substan- tive questions about the conditions under which exposure to perceived risk in an educational or therapeutic wilderness setting will actually result in long-term positive changes. Har- mon and Templin (1980) proposed Bandura's (1977) efficacy expecta- tions as a mediating process that would permit perceived risk to trans- late personality change. Thus, two convergent bodies of research have suggested that in- creased efficacy perceptions may be an important effect of recreational and educational exposure to risk in wilderness. Interestingly, changes in efficacy expectations have not yet been examined in the context of out- door education. Bandura's Self- Efficacy Theory Bandura's (1977) theory has been rather well articulated and tested (e.g., Bandura et al. 1980). Efficacy expectations are seen as cognitive representations of ability which are co-equal with outcome expectations in permitting the acquisition of new behavior patterns. Efficacy expecta- tions vary on three dimensions: mag- nitude (the degree of difficulty of the task), generality (the extension of the expectation beyond a treatment situ- ation), and strength (the persistence of the conviction in the face of fail- ure). All three dimensions would be valuable in outdoor skills assess- ment. The generality of efficacy ex- pectations may be of particular im- portance, however, as this would tute and State University, Blacksburg, Vq Table 1.— Activity-specific $etf -efficacy scores for six outdoor \ skills. Efficacy Efficacy Efficacy Skill (n) pretest postfest gain Kayaking (31) Canoeing (35) Rock climbing (66) Caving (38) Backpacking (53) 1.29 5.89 3.22 6,72 2.09 5.32 2.06 4.26 4.15 5.16 2.08 2.66 4.73* 3.81* 2.91* 2.13* 1.16* 0.33 Cross-country skiing (24^ 'Paired t-fest significant atp<.0h J 35 measure the transferability of self- efficacy from the wilderness environ- ment to other settings. The diversity of behaviors required in many wil- derness recreation activities (e.g., winter camping) suggests a high gen- eralizability to other settings. Expectations of personal efficacy are seen to arise from four different sources: performance accomplish- ments, vicarious experience, verbal persuasion, and emotional arousal. Consistent with theories of experien- tial learning in outdoor education (e.g., Petzoldt 1984), performance ac- complishments are seen as particu- larly influential sources of efficacy information because they are based on personal mastery experiences. Success raises mastery expectations; repeated failures lower them, espe- cially if the failures occur early in the course of response acquisition (Ban- dura 1977). Vicarious experience (role modeling) and verbal persua- sion are seen by Bandura as less de- pendable sources of information about one's abilities than direct per- sonal accomplishments, and these sources often play subordinate roles in outdoor education. Finally, be- cause too much or too little arousal usually debilitates performance, indi- viduals should expect more success when their arousal levels are moder- ately high in the face of threatening behavior. The present study examined changes in specific and generalized efficacy expectations as a result of exposure to outdoor skills instruc- tion. Also, the study compared the differences in efficacy gains across six different activities with varying levels of perceived risk and arousal. Method The research design for this study was a pretest/ posttest comparison group design (Isaac and Michael 1976). College students in "Introduc- tion to Outdoor Skills" classes at a medium-size land-grant university in the eastern United States constituted the experimental subject pool (n = 182). Subjects were enrolled in courses focusing on one of six out- door skills: backpacking, cross-coun- try skiing, rock-climbing, caving (spelunking), Whitewater canoeing, and Whitewater kayaking. The mix of performance accomplishment (prac- tice), vicarious experience (instructor modeling), and verbal persuasion (lecture) was held constant across groups. Each course contained ap- proximately 6 hours of hands-on ex- perience per student, along with 4 hours of instructor modeling and 16 hours of in-class lecture and discus- sion over a 9- week period. (The only exception was the backpacking course, which required two 3-day trips per participant.) A panel of 12 experienced outdoor leaders ranked the six activities ac- cording to the "degree of arousal typically experienced by beginning participants during their first few hours of instruction." Mean arousal rankings for the activities were used to evaluate gains across different ac- tivities. To measure changes in specific self-efficacy, a technique was em- ployed similar to that used by Ban- dura et al. (1980). A list of perform- ance tasks was developed for each activity, ranging from rudimentary to moderately demanding. Subjects rated their efficacy (beliefs that they could perform the required task) on a 10-point scale ranging from highly uncertain to completely certain. As in the studies by Bandura and his col- leagues, strength of efficacy was esti- mated as the mean of the scores for a given subject. Early in the first meeting of each skills class, subjects were asked to complete Sherer et al/s (1982) gener- alized self-efficacy scale as well as the scale specific to the activity for that course. The Sherer self-efficacy scale is a 23-item Likert-type scale Table 3.— Correlations between specific efficacy gains and pretest scores. Skill; CorrelatianCorrefation w/ specific w/ general efficacy efficacy pretests pretest* Kayaking -,4V Canoeing -.84* Rock cfimbing -.49' Caving -.32* Backpacking -,19 Cross-country skiing -.37* mm ,02 ,38* .37* .12 correlation cc oeiiiciefti s/y- Table skills, mm >eff-efftcacy gain s< six outdoor General efficacy gain* Specific efficacy gain2 Correlations: specific gain x Arousai general gain ranking* Kayaking Canoetng • Rock climbing Caving Backpacking Cross-country si 2,13* 1.18* .33 +19 .20 .36** .55" .19 4,08 1.92 3.83 3.83 .58 .92 'Poked t fest significant atp<>0L "Pearson correlation coefficient significant atp < JQ$. ■ Means on a 23-item scale (range ~ -9 to +9). >Mean$ on a /0-yfem scale (range = -9 to +9)> *Mean arousai potential rankings from 12 expert outdoor leaders (6 = high). 36 which has undergone construct and criterion validation studies and ap- plications in a number of settings. At the final (ninth) course meeting, the self -efficacy measures were repeated and subjects who failed to meet the course attendance requirement were dropped from the sample. Results and Conclusions Paired t-tests indicated significant positive gains in specific efficacy ex- pectations from pretest to posttest in all activities except cross-country skiing (table 1). Because there was no baseline increment of efficacy change generic to the six activities, standard- ized gain scores (Z scores) were used to compare activities. A one-way analysis of variance of standardized gain scores was highly significant (F = 11.38, p < .0001). The Tuke/s Studentized Range Test showed gains in kayaking, canoeing, and rock-climbing to be significantly greater than gains in backpacking and cross-country skiing. The expert rankings for "arousal potential" in the six activities placed rock-climb- ing highest, kayaking second, caving third, canoeing fourth, cross-country skiing fifth, and backpacking lowest. Thus, the patterns of gain scores showed some consistency with arousal rankings. The gain in generalized efficacy scores was not significant (gain = .036, t = .62, p = .54). A one-way analysis of variance showed no sig- nificant differences across activities (F = 1.32, p = .26), although the high- est (and only positive) mean gains were for caving, kayaking, and rock- climbing. General efficacy gain was positively correlated to specific gains in all activities except cross-country skiing, although only the correlations for caving and rock-climbing were significant at p < .05. Specific efficacy pretest scores were significantly and negatively correlated with gain scores for all ac- tivities, suggesting that those who start low gain most. For rock-climb- ing and caving, general efficacy pre- test scores were positively correlated with specific efficacy gain. For kayak- ing, general efficacy pretests were negatively correlated with specific efficacy gains. For the other activi- ties, correlations were nonsignificant (table 2). This study has suggested that a short, experiential outdoor skills course can produce positive changes in efficacy expectations for perform- ance of the activity-specific tasks. Evidence of the transference of these efficacy gains to other aspects of life is much less conclusive. Interestingly, there appear to be considerable dif- ferences in the effectiveness of differ- ent activities in producing efficacy changes, and activities with higher arousal potential appear significantly more effective. Literature Cited Allen, S. D. 1980. Risk recreation: a literature review and conceptual model. In: Meier, J. F.; Morash, T. W.; Welton, G. E., eds. High ad- venture outdoor pursuits: organi- zation and leadership. Salt Lake City, UT: Brighton. Bandura, A. 1977. Self-efficacy: to- ward a unifying theory of behav- ior change. Psychological Review. 84: 191-215. Bandura, A.; Adams, N. E.; Hardy, A. B.; Howells, G. N. 1980. Tests of the generality of self-efficacy theory. Cognitive Theory and Re- search. 4: 39-66. Harmon, P.; Templin, G. 1980. Con- ceptualizing experiential educa- tion. In: Meier, J. F.; Morash, T. W.; Welton, G. E., eds. High ad- venture outdoor pursuits: organi- zation and leadership. Salt Lake City, UT: Brighton. Iida, M. 1975. Adventure-oriented programs: a review of research. In: van der Smissen, B., ed. Research camping and environmental edu- cation. Penn State HPER Series No. 11. State College, PA. Isaac, L.; Michael, T. 1976. Handbook of educational research and evalu- ation. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Pren- tice Hall. Manfredo, M. J.; Driver, B. L.; Brown, P. J. 1983. A test of con- cepts inherent in experience based setting management for outdoor recreation areas. Journal of Leisure Research. 15: 263-283. Petzoldt, P. 1984. The new wilder- ness handbook, New York, NY: Norton. Schreyer, R. M.; White, R.; McCool, S. F. 1978. Common attributes un- commonly exercised. Journal of Physical Education and Recrea- tion. 49: 24-29. Sherer, M.; Maddux, J. E.; Mercan- dante, B.; Prentice-Dunn, S.; Jacobs, B.; Rogers, R. W. 1982. The self-efficacy scale: construction and validation. Psychological Re- ports. 51:663-671. 37 The Evolution of the Outward Bound Process^ Stephen BarciaiBacon1 Abstract.— This paper examines the way in which the Outward Bound process has evolved in the United States with particular emphasis on how it has changed to ensure greater transfer of course learnings. A typology of curriculum models is developed consisting of: (1) a first generation model— focusing on experience alone— which dominated Outward Bound programming in the 1960's and early 1970's; (2) a second generation model— emphasizing discussion, group processes, and imported techniques— which is the current ruling paradigm at Outward Bound; and (3) a third generation model— stressing experiential metaphors— which may provide a direction for future curriculum evolution. Perhaps the most compelling as- pect of Outward Bound is the life- affirming peak experience which oc- curs so predictably and regularly on the courses. This has fascinated Out- ward Bound observers and partici- pants and elicited numerous articles by lay and professional writers. While this positive experience has been documented so regularly that its existence is beyond question, its long-term effects are still relatively unknown. Certainly most Outward Bound participants believe that the experience is life transforming. Illus- trating this point, Fletcher (1970) sent questionnaires to 3,000 Outward Bound students 5 years after they had completed their Outward Bound courses. Of the approximately 2,400 questionnaires that were returned, 98.6% of the respondees indicated the Outward Bound experience was either "successful" or "highly suc- cessful." Eighty-six percent of the students reported that their self-con- fidence had improved, 78% felt that they had increased in general matur- ity, and 64% believed that they had become more aware of the needs of others. Sixty-four percent thought that these changes would last for their lifetimes, 32% believed they would last for several years, and only 4% thought that their gains were limited to several months. Outward Bound USA, Greenwich. Conn While these results are impressive, critical observers of Outward Bound suggest that the case for the long- term positive effects of Outward Bound is still unproven. They point out that outcome studies have not always found positive results (c.f., Shore 1976), that the better studies have found less impressive results than the poorer studies (Burton 1981), and that it is unrealistic to ex- pect a short experience to transform life-long patterns (James 1980). The increase in numbers of special population courses has also high- lighted the "duration of impact" is- sue. As Outward Bound began to work with more clinical popula- tions— e.g., substance abusers, troub- led youth, Vietnam Veterans, and so on — the referring parties wanted to be sure that the course improve- ments would have a lasting effect. In response to the research cri- tiques and special population needs, Outward Bound program designers have paid increasing attention to the issues of transference and the gener- alization of course learnings to daily life. One could even argue that these concerns about transference have been the primary driving force be- hind Outward Bound curriculum evolution in the past decade. There has been little other impetus; as the Fletcher article demonstrates, the level of satisfaction of the Outward Bound students tends to support leaving the curriculum as is. 38 This paper examines how the Out- ward Bound curriculum has evolved in the face of these concerns about transference and to look at how the curriculum might change in the fu- ture. It will be argued that almost all of the curriculum developed to date falls into one of two broad categories: (1) the basic Outward Bound model imported from England in the 1960's; or (2) a more sophisticated version emphasizing detailed debriefings and psychoeducational techniques. The heart of this paper, however, lies in an exploration of a new model of Outward Bound curriculum — the Metaphoric Model, which empha- sizes transforming Outward Bound activities into experiential meta- phors. Before proceeding, however, it is necessary to define several terms which will be used in the remainder of this paper. The "Outward Bound experience" is the peak experience of self-affirmation and interpersonal connection referred to earlier. Out- ward Bound events or activities are literal physical activities such as ca- noeing or rock climbing. When these events are strung together in a cer- tain order and presented in a certain style or context, the combination of events and instructional styles can be called an Outward Bound curricu- lum. This issue of instructional style is critical. The sequencing and type of Outward Bound activities do not constitute a curriculum; rather, it is the style and context of the presenta- tion which is most significant. An Outward Bound course can vary by virtue of a number of factors includ- ing the physical condition of the stu- dents, the terrain, course length, and so on; yet if the style of instruction remains the same, the course out- comes will be essentially identical. However, if one keeps the same events, course length, etc., and alters the instructional style, the outcomes will be quite different. This style or way of presenting Outward Bound events will be called a "curriculum model." In summary, a curriculum consists of the type, length, and sequencing of Outward Bound events as well as the curricu- lum model or models characterizing the instructors' instructional styles. The "Mountains Speak for Themselves" Curriculum Model The original Outward Bound cur- riculum model employed in the United States, which can be named the "Mountains Speak for Them- selves" (MST) model, is based on an implicit assumption about Outward Bound's global efficacy (i.e., it be- lieves that Outward Bound is an all- purpose change strategy which has such powerful impact that exposure to the Outward Bound experience can be useful for almost anyone). A curriculum based on this model in- cludes only the most basic Outward Bound elements; essentially it con- sists of the minimal components nec- essary to generate the Outward Bound experience, the most frugal and sparing approach which results in an end-of-course "glow." The model particularly deemphasizes discussion and feedback. Similarly, it believes that reflection on the activi- ties and insight into one's behaviors and feelings are primarily the re- sponsibility of the student. The in- structors provide space and time to conduct such activities, but they do not see themselves as active facilita- tors of these processes. Instructors adhering to this model are experts at mastering wilderness situations; they also have the ability to introduce the kinds of incremental challenges which lead to a sense of mastery and an emotional high. However, this approach does not support the concept that instructors should function as counselors, dis- cussion leaders, or group-process experts. Given this resistance to verbal ex- pression, it is not surprising that there are no articles in the Outward Bound literature written by its adher- ents. However, Thomas James (1980) did write about the approach; in fact, he was one of the first writers to popularize the term the "Mountains Speak for Themselves" in print. James describes this model as fol- lows: To begin with, it seems to me that people who are saying anything equivalent to "Let the mountains speak for them- selves" are also saying some- thing more, which is that in- structors can rely on the over- all structure of the Outward Bound course to give their stu- dents a good experience. They can rely on a training se- quence, a way of grouping students and committing them to task performance, activities like solo and the rappel, etc... So the point is not exactly that the mountains do the teaching. It is that the training sequence we are using is a remarkably effective way to get people to learn in the mountains... ...The experience happens naturally if instructors are skilled enough to take their students safely through the adventurous activities that make up Outward Bound, and when they do that, the moun- tains are extraordinary teach- ers indeed... (p. 2-3). As mentioned above, the MST per- spective believes firmly in the gen- eral efficacy of Outward Bound; it also suggests that the Outward Bound experience is so positive, pro- found, and powerful that it will auto- matically generalize to the student's daily life. Lest this sound somewhat unrealistic and naive, MST adherents caution against expecting excessive results from the Outward Bound program. Just as significantly, they also sug- gest that Outward Bound instructors simply do not have enough special expertise to work with the Outward Bound process in more than a basic manner. James (1980) continues his discussion. ...It may be pretentious to ex- pect that Outward Bound can do more than give its students what course director, Ron Gager, has called a "short- term turn-on." The standard course is only 23 days long. Instructors have no formal training in counseling, ther- apy, communications, human relations, etc. In fact, what instructors are trained to do is let the mountains speak for themselves by guiding a patrol into the wilderness, building up its skills for outdoor living, and then confronting it with a characteristic set of problem- solving tasks. Students coming to Outward Bound are looking for this very thing... What I am driving at is that the moun- taineers are making an impor- tant point by demanding a more limited set of expecta- tions for an Outward Bound course. Perhaps that point is that we should do what we do best, which is to deliver stu- dents into an extraordinary experience of action and ad- venture, leaving them to make of it what they will. (p. 8-9) 39 As James points out, this perspec- tive recognizes the limits of Outward Bound; Outward Bound should "do what it does best" and leave the rest to others. As a result, the MST adher- ents believe that Outward Bound courses for special populations should essentially be a basic Out- ward Bound course with a homoge- neous population. For example, a standard course where 100% of the students are alcoholics can be called an Outward Bound substance abuse course. The special population on these standard courses is simply en- couraged, as mentioned above, to "make of it what they will," to get as much as they individually or collec- tively can from the courses without any sophisticated help from a spe- cially designed curriculum or a spe- cially trained staff member. Historically, the MST approach has been successful for both standard and special population courses. As one would expect, these courses do achieve the usual Outward Bound outcomes. The students tend to have peak experiences at the end of the course, and they report an increase in their self-confidence and an en- hanced sense of the interdependence of humanity. However, in spite of these positive outcomes, the MST model has re- ceived substantial criticism. Not sur- prisingly, the criticism focuses on the transferability of the Outward Bound experience. James (1980) describes this critique as follows: ...(E)ducators are apt to follow John Dewey's notion that the challenge of any form of edu- cation is to select present ex- periences that will live fruit- fully and creatively in future experiences. Few would dis- agree with this. Dewey, who was probably the greatest edu- cational thinker ever produced in this country, wrote of learn- ing as an experiential contin- uum, a continuity of growth experiences. But here is where the disagreement begins, be- cause he characterized learn- ing not as the experience itself, but as thinking about the ex- perience. So a form of educa- tion like Outward Bound that provides intense experiences also needs to provide tools for thinking about those experi- ences, for tying what has hap- pened on a course into the ex- periential continuum of those who have passed through it. Another equally abstract way of saying this comes from so- cial scientists who have stud- ied learning behavior and con- cluded that the experience of the learner must be general- ized into the learner's reper- toire of skills and knowledge. Students need help to draw inferences, to see the pattern that connects their continuous experience, (p. 6-7) James' general critique of the MST model's lack of verbal facilitation is oriented toward what happens on a standard course with normal stu- dents. His general critique can be ex- tended and made more specific when one focuses on the MST approach to special population courses. For ex- ample, one can argue that MST-type courses are not based on a knowl- edge of the dynamics or special needs of a certain population (e.g., alcoholics). Clearly, Outward Bound courses for alcoholics would be more powerful if the staff knew something about the particular problems of sub- stance abusers and were capable of integrating that knowledge into their courses. In addition, the somewhat amor- phous goals of Outward Bound — increased self-confidence and com- passion— may not always lead to the precise behavior changes needed by certain special populations. For ex- ample, while it is logical to assume that enhancing the self-concept of a troubled adolescent should lead to less fighting with his parents, it is difficult to promise that an Outward Bound course will result in that spe- cific behavioral change. In other words, the global course goals of character development may be achieved, but that accomplishment may not lead to measurable and sig- nificant changes in the student's life. The third criticism of the MST model is similar to the second; it ar- gues that some special populations — such as alcoholics — have specific problem behaviors (i.e., drinking), which must be altered if the student is to have any long-term benefit from the course. This argument suggests that the courses need to be explicitly designed to impact those specific problem behaviors. In summary, the three criticisms of the MST approach to special populations are: (1) the curriculum does not reflect any spe- cial knowledge about the dynamics of a target population; (2) there is little proof that achieving global goals leads to specific behavior changes; and (3) if a change in a spe- cific behavior is necessary for student growth, the course will be more ef- fective if it directly concentrates on changing that specific behavior. The "Outward Bound Plus" Curriculum Model The three criticisms summarized above, plus James' argument about the transference problems inherent in the MST model, provided the impe- tus needed to develop a new ap- proach to Outward Bound curricu- lum, a "second generation" curricu- lum model. The most significant change between the first and second generation curriculum models is that the second generation model empha- sizes the importance of the instructor as a discussion leader, counselor, and group-process facilitator. In marked contrast to the MST approach, where experience was emphasized and dis- cussions were discouraged, the sec- ond generation approach focuses on making cognitive links between the 40 course experiences and the student's daily life. In addition, it actively at- tempts to promote reflection, insight, and introspection. The second generation model does not ignore the primary importance of experience in Outward Bound. It continues to use the basic Outward Bound activities and achieves the Outward Bound experience as regu- larly as a first generation approach. But in addition, it emphasizes reflect- ing on the experience. The second generation instructor not only pro- vides the incremental course chal- lenges which lead to mastery experi- ences, he or she actively assists the students' attempts to integrate the meanings of those experiences into their lives. In addition to this emphasis on facilitating reflection and insight, the second generation model is different from the first generation model in that the basic Outward Bound expe- rience is often supplemented by inte- grating effective techniques, beyond the Outward Bound, into the course curriculum. Adding these "im- ported" techniques allows one to as- sert that the resulting courses specifi- cally address the needs of special populations. Examples of these im- ported techniques include using transactional analysis on courses for troubled youth, introducing Alcohol- ics Anonymous techniques into courses for substance abusers, and giving didactic lectures on communi- cation skills during corporate train- ing courses. While these techniques were originally included specifically for special population courses, in some cases their use has spread to the standard course. For example, it is not unusual for one to discover second generation instructors includ- ing relaxation, imagery, or neuro- linguistic programming (NLP) tech- niques on a standard course. Because of this openness to the appropriate employment of imported techniques, the second generation curriculum model can be called the "Outward Bound Plus (OBP)" ap- proach. It is worth noting that when the emphases on debriefing, group discussion, and instructor facilitation were first championed in the mid 60' s, these verbal techniques were also considered "imported" tech- niques. However, somewhere around the mid 70's or early 80's, the verbal emphasis had become so com- mon that many, if not most, instruc- tors accepted it as an integral — or perhaps even an indigenous — aspect of Outward Bound. The OBP approach is well illus- trated in the following series of quotes taken from a magazine article about Outward Bound corporate courses (McGee 1985). Note how the opening comments by an Outward Bound staff member emphasizes transference, post-activity discus- sions, and introspection. The OB instructors don't for- mally teach management con- cepts, but at the end of every activity, we talk about what we learned. We always focus on, "What did you learn that you can use in the office?" We ask thought-provoking ques- tions, so that the participants make the insights and do the connecting between the two parts (p. 19). The article continues with a quote from a corporate trainer. "You learn the routine of rock- climbing. We put you at the bottom of an 85-foot rock and say, 'Climb.'. ..Afterwards an instructor will ask the group, 'What made it safe for you to climb?' and then point out, 'You had a safety rope tied around you that you — and someone else — had tested and trusted. You had a person on top — on belay — who was well anchored to the mountain holding the safety rope, using special techniques so if an ac- cident happened, we weren't even depending on the strength of the person — just their presence — to help guard you against being hurt. Who is on belay for you at work? Who checks your knots at work?'" (p. 19-20). A participant made this final com- ment. The toughest challenge.. .was expressing the things that we had experienced after going through the physical activities, such as rappelling. It was pretty enriching to think about "How did it change me? What did it do for me?" The instruc- tors tied it to, "How do you relate to the people you man- age or work with. ..do you communicate with them?" (p. 20) As one would expect, the OBP ap- proach was even more successful than the MST model. Not only were the typical Outward Bound out- comes achieved, but also, many of the criticisms of the MST approach were successfully redressed. For example, the OBP courses were clearly based on knowledge of the dynamics of a special population. Second generation instructors were expected to go beyond the more lim- ited definition of an Outward Bound instructor; they were expected to be- come knowledgeable about the back- ground and daily functioning of the specific population they were serv- ing. As a result, alcoholics on an Out- ward Bound course were exposed to frequent comments about substance abuse problems, and corporate man- agers held many discussions about how Outward Bound learnings might transfer back to the job. Just as important, OBP instructors were pre- pared to target specific behaviors critical to the post-course success of their students. For example, alcohol- ics were encouraged to attend AA meetings and to form sobriety-ori- ented support systems, corporate managers learned about problem- 41 solving techniques which could be directly applied at the office, and troubled youth learned how to com- municate more effectively with their parents. There were additional benefits as well. It was soon apparent that the Outward Bound environment pro- vided a fertile context for the suc- cessful practice of non-Outward Bound techniques, a context which tended to multiply the power and efficacy of many psychotherapeutic methods. This was true for a variety of reasons. The level of stress on the course broke down traditional de- fenses. The activities were very con- crete and thus provided an opportu- nity to try out new life strategies and graphically demonstrate success or failure. The supportive, small-group atmosphere promoted trust, rapport building, and risk taking. Finally, the overall wilderness setting was con- ducive to a feeling of renewal and revitalization. In summary, the OBP model overcame virtually all of the criticisms of the MST approach. It was knowledge-based; it related the course back to the student's real life; it was prepared to target specific be- haviors and attempted to change the behaviors directly; it realized the power of "imported" techniques. In spite of these notable successes, certain criticisms of the OBP model began to emerge. One concern was that it was to "techniquey" — that it was excessively dependent on using imported gimmicks, psychotherapy techniques, and lectures. The critics became concerned that the unique- ness of Outward Bound might be lost if the imported techniques assumed an excessively dominant place in the curriculum. A typical question asked by some of the critics might go some- thing like: At what point does the extended amount of time devoted to verbal interactions and techniques significantly impair the basic Out- ward Bound commitment to doing and experience? The second criticism of the OBP model is related to the first and fo- cuses on when and how the course learnings are transmitted to the stu- dents. Outward Bound's ability to differentiate itself from other human development paradigms is depend- ent on its commitment to experiential learning. And yet in the OBP model, it can be argued that as much or more learning occurs during the post-activity discussions as during the actual experience. If the post-ac- tivity discussions are really assuming such a primary position, is the OBP model a "pure" form of experiential education? In summary, the second genera- tion model of population-specific curriculum did indeed achieve its goal of specificity. However, it may have achieved these goals by import- ing and emphasizing techniques which minimize the uniqueness of Outward Bound. Experience and ad- venture are still emphasized in an OBP model, but at times there can be a sense that the course activities are less important than the verbal discus- sions— the component of the OBP approach most responsible for speci- ficity and transference. Such an em- phasis throws Outward Bound open to the criticism that it is a conven- tional therapeutic or psychoeduca- tional approach, albeit one which op- erates in a wilderness environment. The MST and OBP models have been presented in depth because one must understand past and current Outward Bound practices before dis- cussing future directions. However, the primary purpose of this paper is to look toward the future, to describe a third generation curriculum model. This model must attempt to conserve the OBP gains in specificity and transferability and simultaneously reassert the primacy of experience in Outward Bound. Furthermore, a third generation model needs to have a strong dedication to the develop- ment of an indigenous Outward Bound model. If Outward Bound wishes to be maximally effective with its students, and simultaneously achieve a credible position in the pro- fessional world as well as in the world of ideas, it must continue to emphasize, develop, and refine its techniques in the area where it is unique: the use of adventure oriented experiences to facilitate hu- man growth. The Metaphoric Curriculum Model The differences between the first, second, and third generation curricu- lum models can be graphically por- trayed by examining the different ways in which each model would work with a particular Outward Bound activity known as the Wall.2 Imagine a course for corporate man- agers. The group is co-educational, and the participants are concerned about sexist versus egalitarian lead- ership styles at work. The MST instructor would take his group to the Wall, inform them of the relevant safety rules, and then stand back and watch them work through the challenge. Following the event, there would be little or no formal discussion of the activity; however, students might choose to talk about it informally. An OBP instructor would follow the same scenario until the activity was completed. Then he or she would ask the group to meet and dis- cuss what they had learned on the Wall, asking open-ended, general questions, such as, "Who were the leaders and who were the follow- ers?", "How was this the same as or different from the way you function at work?", and "Were you pleased with your performance?" With a number of groups, this type of questioning and the resulting 2The Wall is a 13- or 14-foot high smooth wall without any handholds or footholds. The purpose of the exercise is to get the entire group over the top. Once a person is over, he can no longer assist the students remaining on the initial side of the Wall ex- cept by pulling from the top. Hence, the crux of the exercise is to figure out how to get the last few students over the Wall. 42 discussion would help the group re- alize that their actions during the Wall activity were a reflection of their typical leadership styles at work. Given that the group has con- flict around sex-stereotyped leader- ship roles, the conversation would probably focus on how those prob- lems were illustrated by their behav- iors on the Wall. The concreteness of the activity would allow for a graphic display of sexist leadership styles. In discussing and reflecting on this experience, it is likely that the group would achieve powerful insights into their typical patterns. Ideally, the men would realize that they needed to become more open to feminine leadership, and the women would realize that they needed to take more risks and assume greater initiative. Both groups would resolve to prac- tice these styles on the rest of the course and back in the workplace. The instructor using a third gen- eration or Metaphoric Model (MM) approach would also begin by offer- ing the relevant safety rules. How- ever, he would also add a few brief sentences of introduction to the ac- tivity: Most corporate groups who attempt the Wall tend to do it in a particular way. At the be- ginning, they mill around a bit with lots of people offering their suggestions. After some time, a couple of dominant males tend to start the group off. They get a few people to the top and then throw the women over like sacks of po- tatoes. Then the same group of dominant males decides how to do the hardest part which is getting the last few people up. Afterwards, during the dis- cussion of the exercise, every- one agrees that the leadership was more-or-less sexist and there are various emotional reactions to that. There are other ways to do the Wall. Other groups have found them and I hope this group does too. As may be imagined, following this introduction, the students be- come strongly motivated to master the Wall using nonsexist leadership styles. The short introduction has psychologically transformed the Wall from a 13-foot high plywood con- traption which must be physically overcome to an experience which will test/ examine/ reveal the stu- dents' leadership styles. Should they get over the Wall using nonsexist strategies, they will have both an ex- periential success and a concrete memory of a time when they were able to work through a difficult prob- lem in a co-educational group with- out discounting feminine contribu- tions. Should they fail the task, there will be a clear and graphic depiction of the obstacles impeding egalitarian leadership in this group. During the post-activity discus- sion, the instructor will not need to create an awareness that the activity was a metaphor for leadership; the metaphoric nature of the experience is already clear to the group. As a result, the students will arrive at the discussion eager to share their per- ceptions of the leadership styles on the Wall. They will want to discuss how those styles were the same as or different from their typical corporate styles, and they will want to examine the meaning of the event for their fu- ture behavior. Clearly, both the OBP and MM approaches to the Wall generate powerful educational results, results which should transfer back to the students' daily lives and provide long-term benefits. It is important to note that both approaches are based on perceiving the Outward Bound activity as a metaphor for relevant corporate challenges. The difference between the approaches is that the second generation students generally do not realize the metaphoric nature of the Outward Bound event until the post-activity debriefing. Con- versely, third generation students perceive the metaphoric qualities of the experience as they pass through it; their post-activity discussion fo- cuses on how they reacted to the metaphor, not on how they reacted to the literal experience of surmount- ing a 13-foot wall. The title, "Metaphoric Model," does not refer to the idea that the third generation approach uses meta- phors and the second generation ap- proach does not; rather, it is used be- cause learning and transference oc- cur via experiential metaphors in a third generation approach. In con- trast, as will be shown below, the OBP model uses cognitive proc- esses— primarily reflection and in- sight— to achieve transference. In summary, the basic difference be- tween second and third generation approaches is when the physical ex- perience becomes metaphoric. This difference in timing has critical impli- cations for student learning. A Definition The Metaphoric Model is a way of working with Outward Bound activities which emphasizes consciously framing course events so that they serve as expe- riential metaphors for salient challenges in the students' daily lives. The four primary components of the MM ap- proach are presented below. 1. Assessment: — The first step in using the metaphoric model is to understand the particular students on the course in hopes of determin- ing what challenges and /or problems typically character- ize this group of people. This research stage usually con- sists of reviewing the rele- vant professional literature, consulting with appropriate experts, studying Outward Bound's experiences in working with this group, 43 and, above all, interviewing and assessing the actual stu- dents on the course. One of the primary goals of this research stage is to generate a list of challenges, problematic situations, and developmental passages which characterize the population under study. For example, a list of "high risk of relapse situations" might be a useful tool if one were applying Out- ward Bound to alcoholics or addicts. A similar list for standard-course adolescents might be comprised of common developmental challenges such as coping with identity crises, learning to handle peer pressure, and adapting to changing relationships with parents. Other lists could be made for the key experiences which typically concern corporate manag- ers, midlife adults, Vietnam Veter- ans, or adolescent substance abusers. The Metaphoric Model is active and directive. As a result, its ethical and effective employment requires a complete and accurate assessment. One can easily imagine what might have occurred in the example above if sexism had not been an issue for the corporate students. In that case, the introduction would have been an irrelevant distraction from the more salient issues actually facing the par- ticipants. Even worse, the introduc- tion might have interefered with their ability to gain anything from the exercise. The participants might have become angry at the instructor's imposition of the sexism issue or so concerned about conforming that they disregard their own needs. 2. Structured Introductions: — Once the assessment is com- plete, the MM instructor frames the course events so that the Outward Bound ex- periences become psycho- logically identical to real life challenges. This creation of a psychologically identical context often rests on the use of structured verbal intro- ductions which, as in the ex- ample above, are delivered immediately prior to the ac- tual event. The Metaphoric Model, however, recognizes that verbal introductions are not the only way to make an Out- ward Bound event into an experien- tial metaphor. Every student ap- proaches every Outward Bound event in the context of all of their previous experiences and knowl- edge. For example, a student will perceive the first event on a course in the context of all that he has heard and read about Outward Bound. Later on in the course, all of the pre- vious course experiences and de- briefings become a composite intro- duction to the next event. Taking this a bit farther, one can argue that the student's entire life history is an in- troduction to the event; obviously, a student's personality and experi- ences will have a significant effect on how an Outward Bound activity is perceived and understood. This implicit introduction to an Outward Bound event can be called, in deference to the tendency to adopt computer terminology, the "default" introduction. Default, as used herein, refers to the way a student will un- derstand an activity if the instructor provides no introduction. An MM in- structor is often satisfied to leave this default introduction in place, prefer- ring it over any structured introduc- tion. In making such a decision, how- ever, the instructor makes a con- scious choice that the default intro- duction is appropriate; if he believes otherwise, he will choose to alter the default using a structured introduc- tion. 3. Double Bind Technology: — The Metaphoric Model trans- forms the literal wilderness challenges into metaphors for salient challenges in a student's daily life. This sug- gests that the third genera- tion approach makes it more difficult for students to have a success on the Outward Bound event; not only must they master the physical challenge, they must succeed at the metaphoric challenge as well. In the example of- fered above, the Wall, it is often quite difficult for groups to succeed at the physical challenge. In the context of the sexism intro- duction, this difficulty be- comes magnified. Not only do they have to go over the Wall, full success requires them to use atypical egalitar- ian leadership styles. When the Metaphoric Model is employed correctly, students must operate at their physical as well as their psychological and existential limits. The presence of this extra challenge suggests that MM students will have greater needs for support and motivation. The Metaphoric Model uses the paradoxical model to provide this extra motivation and support. In the example above, the paradoxical technique of "prediction of failure" was used to enhance the group's motivation to master the Wall in an egalitarian style. To explain the paradoxical model briefly is no easy task. The dictionary defines paradox as "an argument that derives self-contradictory con- clusions by valid deduction from ac- ceptable premises." As the definition implies, the approach rests on the instructor's ability to give the student a series of logical and compelling statements which, when followed, lead the student into a contradictory position where typical defenses, de- nials, or fears become difficult or im- possible to maintain. The most com- mon paradoxical technique is the "symptom prescription;" in a symp- tom prescription, the client or stu- dent is encouraged to become even more symptomatic. The difference between a para- doxical approach to change and a traditional confrontive, supportive, suggestive approach is like compar- 44 ing Aikido with boxing. In boxing, the direct approach of striking out at the opponent creates strong resis- tance: either defense or counterat- tack. In Aikido, the opponent's own momentum is used against him, of- ten in surprising ways, and a mini- mum of effort creates surprisingly powerful results. Similarly, the employment of di- rect techniques such as support, ad- vice, inspiration, or confrontation with students often leads to resis- tance. In such instances, it can be useful to employ an indirect or para- doxical approach which utilizes the student's own typical behaviors, feel- ings, and beliefs as levers for change. In the corporate example above, di- rectly suggesting that they had sexist tendencies might have been met with denial or resistance. The indirect sug- gestion that they would find it diffi- cult to avoid emulating the sexist strategies of other corporate groups by-passed the denial and resistance and enhanced motivation. A full description of the paradoxi- cal approach is not possible given the space constraints of this paper. Inter- ested readers are referred to the bib- liography (c.f., Fisch et al. 1983, Haley 1973, Lank ton and Lank ton 1983, Madanes 1984, Weeks and L' Abate 1982). However, a simplified set of characteristics defining most paradoxical interventions is included below and another example of the use of paradox on an Outward Bound course appears later in this paper. a. Direct or Indirect? : — The first step consists of decid- ing whether to use direct or indirect (paradoxical) techniques. Direct tech- niques refer to common sense, logical approaches such as inspiration, sup- port, confrontation, rea- soning, and argument. Such approaches are sometimes problematic because they can lead to denial, defensiveness, and resistance. It is time con- suming, energy-intensive, and difficult to surmount this resistance. If it is an- ticipated that these types of problems will occur, it is best to avoid them by using indirect techniques. b. Encourage the Problematic Behavior: — If it is likely that the problem behavior will occur despite admoni- tions to the contrary, the paradoxical instructor does not fight the inevi- table. Instead, he or she generally follows some variation on a strategy which encourages the stu- dent to emit the target be- havior. In the example above, the students were implicitly encouraged to emit sexist behavior by mentioning that most groups practice it on the Wall. However, the mean- ing, the context, the amount, the duration, or the exact form of the be- havior is subtly altered so that manifesting the be- havior has a new feeling or achieves different re- sults. c. Reframing: — Both the en- couragement of the behav- ior and its subtle altera- tion are justified by re- framing. Sometimes, as in the example above, the reframing labels a con- scious choice (sexist lead- ership style) as uncon- scious or inevitable; this is usually done in "predic- tion of failure" paradoxes. At other times the refram- ing rests on a rationale de- scribing the positive as- pects of practicing the be- havior. For example, an anxious student before a rock climb could be in- structed to meditate on his anxiety since "anxiety leads to caution and cau- tion is important at Out- ward Bound." d. Results: — Frequently, the result of such an approach is a minimization or cessa- tion of the problematic behavior. This occurs be- cause the instructor's en- couragement of the action and /or the subtle modifi- cations of its practice have made it unappealing. In the anxiety/rock climbing example above, encourag- ing a student to meditate on his fears disrupts his typical strategy of trying to hold the fears at bay. Often, simply disrupting typical strategies is enough to radically alter a student's approach to the situation. Clearly, this brief description of the paradoxical approach fails to do justice to this complex topic. For this paper, it is simply useful to under- stand that the paradoxical approach is included in the Metaphoric Model as a way to enhance student motiva- tion and success, an enhancement which is required by the greater de- mands placed on students by making Outward Bound activities metaphor- ical before the students attempt to master them. 4. The Primacy of Experi- ence:— The Metaphoric Model assumes that learning is maximized when it occurs in the midst of the experi- ence. As will be discussed below in further detail, this type of experiential learning is superior to learning which primarily depends on reflec- tion or other cognitive proc- esses. 45 The MM approach rests on a basic assumption about learning and trans- ference: an Outward Bound experi- ence can be psychologically equiva- lent to a situation in one's daily life. In an earlier work (Bacon 1983), I dis- cussed the mechanisms of this meta- phoric equivalence. The connection between Outward Bound course events and real-life situations rests on the isomorphism of the experi- ences— the one-to-one correspon- dence between the components of the daily life experience and the Out- ward Bound event. This is a critical point: in pro- foundly isomorphic meta- phors, the student will be liv- ing two realities simultane- ously. In literal reality, he will be having an Outward Bound course experience; in psycho- logical reality, he will be hav- ing both the course experience and the correspondent real-life experience. The mechanism of the transderivational search ties the two experiences to- gether so tightly that one can- not be separated from the other. When two experiences are tied together this intimately, the established strategy of the real-life experience will usu- ally prevail and the meta- phoric experience will be exe- cuted in me same style as the real-life experience. If the stu- dent usually handles the situ- ation well, he or she will have a success during the meta- phoric experience, and if usu- ally handled poorly, will have a failure. However, the Out- ward Bound course is explic- itly organized to facilitate suc- cess experiences. When failure strategies are encountered, the instructor, the patrol, and course format help generate a counter-typical resolution to the metaphoric challenge — a resolution that gives the stu- dent a success experience. In achieving this success experi- ence, the student has installed a new strategy. He or she now has two ways of responding to the situation: the old way, which leads to failure and de- creased self-esteem, and the new approach, which demon- strably leads to mastery. And this new strategy will now be available in any real-life situ- ations that are isomorphic with the metaphoric experi- ence. The concept of simultaneously living two realities is, of course, an ideal. In practice, the metaphor is never per- fectly isomorphic with the real-life situation; even psy- chologically speaking, the metaphoric and real-life expe- riences do not perfectly merge. But there is no ques- tion that in well-formed meta- phors there will be profound and meaningful links with iso- morphic real-life experiences. People who have had a meta- phoric experience in which the outcome has been successfully altered will have reorganized their typical life strategies, (p. 9-10) Clearly this sort of equivalence of separate experiences occurs fortui- tously and somewhat randomly on both Outward Bound courses and at other times in people's lives. Many seemingly coincidental and sponta- neous insights are due to this equiva- lence. In the context of understand- ing this isomorphic process, one can restate the aim of the MM approach: it attempts — consciously, carefully, and ethically — to facilitate this proc- ess of equivalency for the benefit and learning of Outward Bound students. Successful passage through a metaphorically equivalent experience gives students a powerful positive memory which is almost as compel- ling as the experience of mastering the real-life challenge. But what if a student has a literal failure experi- ence on an Outward Bound course? What if he or she tips over in the rap- ids or cannot complete the rock climb? Of course the Metaphoric Model does not guarantee that all activities will result in literal successes. For example, suppose the corporate man- agers made it over the Wall using sexist leadership styles. The post-ac- tivity debriefing would probably fo- cus on the group's inability to oper- ate in an egalitarian manner in spite of a strong motivation to avoid sex- ism. This type of discussion is as de- pendent on reflection and insight as a debriefing conducted by second gen- eration instructors; the difference, of course, is that some time was saved by preestablishing the metaphoric nature of the Wall before experienc- ing it. Furthermore, the students will be applying the tools of reflection and insight to the question of "Why couldn't we change old habits when we were trying?" instead of "Wasn't our performance on the Wall just like the leadership styles typically em- ployed back at the corporation?" Clearly, the Metaphoric Model continues to endorse the utility of insight and reflection. However, their importance is deemphasized in com- parison with the power of learning in the midst of experience. Moreover, the MM approach often creates stu- dent experiences which allow reflec- tion and insight to operate more eas- ily, more powerfully, and more gra- phically. Finally, as will be demon- strated below, the employment of the paradoxical approach tends to mini- mize student attempts to rationalize or discount their Outward Bound behaviors. In order to illustrate the four char- acteristics which define the Meta- phoric Model, another example, this one from an Outward Bound course for alcoholics, will be offered. The following introduction attempts to 46 make an Outward Bound ropes course experience metaphorically equivalent to a "high risk of relapse" situation. The students will be re- quired to handle an experience re- lated to exposure to stimuli associ- ated with alcohol; in other words, they will receive some training in how to resist temptation. As one might expect, research suggests that exposure to such stimuli often results in a drinking relapse. "I'm sure that many of you have heard descriptions of this next activity: the ropes course. As you can see, it's a big jungle gym in the trees. But if s a jungle gym which tends to have a large impact on stu- dents; many of them talk more about this than anything else on the course. Most of them talk about how frightening it was. "From our point of view though, we don't use it to practice courage or risk taking or anything like that. What good would that be? Does it really help your sobriety to be able to walk a narrow log be- tween two trees? Does the fact that you can do that mean you won't take a drink? No, it doesn't mean that. "But we do think the ropes course does have something to do with sobriety, and I'll tell you why. At some point on this ropes course we expect that you'll feel some degree of challenge, risk, maybe even fear. And we want you to feel that, not because we want you to experience those things for their own sake, not because we think being scared is good for you, but for another rea- son. Because when we see that you are in the midst of a seri- ous challenge, we're going to do a rather strange thing. "But before telling you exactly what we're going to do, I need to diverge for a moment. Re- search has shown that many alcoholics return to drinking because they can't resist temp- tation. You know, like the temptation of passing by your old favorite bar or having a friend or acquaintance invite you out for "just one," or whatever. So we've designed this particular ropes course activity with this temptation situation in mind. "I know you are all used to depending on staff for support for your sobriety and you have probably also gotten used to the idea that the Out- ward Bound instructors are on your side; but today, because we think it'll help your sobri- ety, we're going to reverse that. Out there in the real world, you're going to be tempted; and when that hap- pens, you're going to be all alone. And it may be your best friend pushing alcohol on you just when you want a drink real badly. "Now, what we're going to do here is, just when it gets real hard on the ropes course and you're really tempted to quit, we — that is, the instructors — are going to try and talk you into quitting. That's right; in- stead of offering support or help, we're going to try and get you to come down or, at least, we're going to suggest that you only have it in you to do it the easy way. You might hear us say, "Hey Joe, you've done enough." Or, "Ifs OK to come down; this doesn't really have to do with sobriety." Or, "You've already done as much as can be expected of you given your fear of heights. Why don't you just come down now?" "What I'm saying is, you can't trust us on this one. Or maybe I'm saying that you need to trust your own ability to know what's right and do it no mat- ter what gets in your way. We want you to know that in real- ity, we all hope that you'll complete the ropes course. And I can tell you that right now in a very clear manner. It would please us all, if every one of you has a total success. But we might not be acting like that in a few minutes. During the course, from time to time you'll see and hear us trying our best to tempt you or your friends. You'll see us trying to talk you off of the ropes course. Of course, most of the time we'll just be help- ing out, just like we usually do, but when the crunch is on, you may notice that we've shifted into another perspec- tive. "Do all of you understand this? Do you know why we may be encouraging quitting or taking the easy way out?" (Get answers and respond ap- propriately.) Typical Results. — When this in- troduction is offered in a caring and concerned manner, it typically re- sults in an enhancement of the alco- holics' motivation to complete the ropes course regardless of their fear of heights, lack of strength, or what- ever. They act as if they are more afraid of succumbing to the tempta- tions offered by the instructors than of the actual ropes course events. The introduction often results in more events attempted and more student successes than a standard introduc- tion. It also has the fringe benefit of eliminating the "talk the hesitant stu- dent over the high beam" role of the instructor. This type of support sometimes degenerates into a some- what bizarre power struggle where 47 the student attempts to prove he can- not do it and the instructor argues that he can. Not only are these types of inappropriate encounters elimi- nated, the student feels that he has accomplished the course completely on his own. When there is a succumbing to temptation — an actual withdrawal from the ropes course — the debrief- ing is almost guaranteed to go well. The withdrawal is perceived by the entire student group as a meaningful event, as a sign that the quitter is vul- nerable to the kind of temptation which will be encountered on the street. Attempts to discount the with- drawal by the use of excuses like fear of heights or lack of strength are dis- puted energetically by the group. The group tends to break through the al- coholic's denial and there are signifi- cant therapeutic gains both for the withdrawer and for the other group members. This example has all of the charac- teristic marks of the Metaphoric Model. First, it is based on appropri- ate assessment findings; alcoholics generally do need to learn how to handle temptation. Second, it uses a structured introduction to make the ropes course, an experience which in a literal sense has little to do with their lives, into something which is highly relevant. Third, it employs the paradoxical technique of "prescrib- ing the symptom." And fourth, the alcoholics' primary learning will oc- cur in the midst of experience as they choose how to respond to the in- structor's solicitations in the context of their own fear and doubt. Finally, if they have had a failure experience, the debriefing is set up in such a way that there is a minimal opportunity to discount the significance and im- portance of their Outward Bound experience. Above all else, the intro- duction ensures that the alcoholics will not literally be climbing around in the trees; rather, they will be ex- perientially confronting a kind of temptation that is directly related to sobriety. The Ascendency of Experience over Insight Outward Bound theorists have remained true to Dewey's famous dictum that experiential learning is not simply the experience but the re- flection on experience. For example, Gager (1977) makes the following comments about the centrality of thought and insight to learning and transference: The opportunity for critical analysis and reflection is the fi- nal ingredient in the process flow. In this context I am re- ferring to the need to 1) link practice with theory; 2) reflect upon and examine one's expe- rience in order for it to "take;" and 3) attempt to make a transfer from what is learned through experience to broader considerations. Experience alone does not automatically produce learning, (p. 10, un- derlining in original) Putnam (1977) comments in a similar vein. An Outward Bound course necessarily allows time for re- flection on experience... The event or task is experienced, and this leads to reflective ob- servation, which is followed by an intellectual "sorting- out" process. The final stage of the cycle sees the experimental application of the new con- cepts, thus providing further experience.. .Central to this process is the responsibility of the participant, helped by his companions and the staff, to review and evaluate continu- ously what occurs during and following the course. This function may be carried out in many different ways, and may include the preparation of a formal assessment or self-as- sessment in written or re- corded form. (p. 5) Finally, Kalisch (1979) discusses his view of the function of the intel- lect in the Outward Bound learning process. After an experience has been rendered into words it can then be subjected to disci- plined thinking. This is the real work of learning... Real learning occurs when a stu- dent actively utilizes his awareness in a way which af- fects his self-concept and his relationship to the existing en- vironment. True logical con- clusions are reached and stand ready for integration and implementation... The instruc- tors task is to facilitate as much reflective thinking as possible. Yet, this is not to im- ply that the program should center itself entirely around this objective. That would in- dicate a misunderstanding of its role in learning. Experience provides the raw material for thought; in the absence of new information gained by per- sonal experience, reflection can become a repugnant and pointless activity, (p. 69-70) Gager, Putnam, and Kalisch all place great emphasis on the central- ity of reflection, analysis, and insight for the Outward Bound learning process. As noted above, the Meta- phoric Model has no direct quarrel with reflection, analysis, or insight; in fact, these tools are essential when debriefing certain activities. However, these factors do not need to be the center of the Outward Bound process. In the Metaphoric Model, the primary focus is on set- ting up the experience so that learn- ing and behavioral change are ac- complished in the midst of the course experience. Given that the introduc- tion has made the course activity psychologically equivalent to salient real-life challenges, it is assumed that a success at the course activity auto- matically transfers and generalizes. 48 Post-activity discussions are primar- ily reserved for ratifying already ex- istent learnings. "Ratify," as used here, describes a process in which an individual offers testimony about new behaviors or insights. The group then gives that person support by agreeing that he or she did indeed do something or learn something valuable and worth- while. In addition, the student will often implicitly or explicitly state his or her intention to reorganize his or her life around these new self-per- ceptions and will look to the group for approval and consensual valida- tion. In the ropes course example, the process of ratification would be oper- ating if an alcoholic were to discuss the temptation to come down from the trees in the midst of the activity but then mastered him- or herself and persevered in good style. The group would reinforce these choices and implicitly suggest that it would be good to continue to use this new strategy in future situations. This type of ratification is very important in terms of solidifying and stabilizing experiential learning. Most human beings need some sort of consensual agreement to concre- tize new self-perceptions and new world views. For example, Watzlawick (1984) argues that reality is socially constructed; that is, he be- lieves that an individual's self and world perception is constantly sup- ported by feedback from a network of social contacts. Watkins (1986) be- lieves that patients attempting to change through psychotherapy need to articulate and receive support to form a new self-image. Watkins thinks this is especially important following changes which occur sec- ondary to powerful effective experi- ences such as catharsis or abreac- tions. In fact, he argues that the ratifi- cation process is so critical that clients who do not experience it may have difficulty sustaining their per- sonality improvements. The Metaphoric Model's emphasis on experience and its complementary deemphasis on reflection and insight occur for two reasons. First, there is a wish to underscore Outward Bound's commitment to experiential learning. Increasing Outward Bound's ability to work with experi- ence is to further develop Outward Bound's indigenous approach to human development. To develop reflection and insight on experience is to follow education and psychology. There is nothing in- trinsically wrong with emulating these worthwhile fields; however, it distracts from Outward Bound's unique purview: the use of adven- ture-oriented experience. Besides, it is unlikely that Outward Bound in- structors will ever be quite as effec- tive at facilitating reflection, group process, and insight as educators and psychologists. Why concentrate on someone else's specialization? Why not concentrate on what Outward Bound does best? The second reason for this deem- phasis on insight is the growing de- bate in the psychotherapy field over whether insight and reflection are necessary or even helpful factors in character development. This is a somewhat heretical debate. Psy- chodynamic therapy and its school of thought have dominated character development theory for almost a cen- tury. Its influence is so strong that the twin factors prized so highly by dynamic therapists — insight and re- flection— are considered to be abso- lutely necessary for significant per- sonal growth. However, in the 1960's and 1970's, two other schools of thought emerged which began to challenge psychodynamic psychotherapy's as- sumptions about the fundamental importance of insight. The first of these was the cognitive/behavioral school. Alfred Bandura, a member of this school of thought and one of the most prominent psychologists in America, reviewed the research on psychotherapy and wrote the follow- ing about insight: It is evident from the results of interpretive approaches that a therapist who leads his clients to believe that insight will alle- viate their behavioral malfunc- tioning is unlikely to accom- plish the changes he implies (Bandura 1969, p. 103). A second group of theorists at- tacking the insight concept belonged to the strategic therapy school. Haley (1973) gives literally dozens of ex- amples of profound personal changes occurring in people's lives without insight and went so far as to write a series of satiric essays suggesting that the psychodynamic devotion to insight could actually keep people from changing (Haley 1986). Milton Erickson commented that "insight into the past may be somewhat edu- cational, but insight into the past isn't going to change the past (Zeig 1980, p. 269)." And as a final ex- ample, Weeks and L' Abate (1982), two noted psychologists, also deni- grate the efficacy of insight: In fact, it appears that some clients use insight-oriented therapy to avoid making changes. Insight may help clients better understand themselves and their relation- ships to others, but this fact does not mean they will change their behavior. The fact that couples change more rap- idly in problem-solving ther- apy than in insight therapy has recently been demon- strated empirically by Slipp and Kressel. (p. 82) Given these possible limitations on the efficacy of insight and reflection and Outward Bound's traditional emphasis on experience, the Meta- phoric Model chooses to deempha- size cognitions and prioritize behav- ioral change. But not simply any be- havioral change — rather, it empha- sizes generating new behavior in the context of an experience which is metaphorically equivalent to a prob- 49 lematic or challenging situation in the student's daily life. Success in this context leads to a different type of insight: an experien- tial rather than a cognitive insight. Having a relevant success experience creates a gut level understanding of one's former behaviors. For example, how often people who have just solved a personal problem comment, "Now, in hindsight, I see so clearly what I was doing wrong — how I caused the entire situation." Such a phrase is uttered with relative ease once the person has had a success and is sure that they have mastered the difficulty. Conversely, insight without the prior experience of an actual success often generates a state- ment which lacks confidence, e.g., "I see what I'm doing wrong and I'll try to change it, but I'm not sure that I can. The Metaphoric Model generates the comfortable and confident in- sights that accompany an already solved problem. Conversely, the MST and OBP models foster a differ- ent type of insight, an insight based on reflection, discussion, and cogni- tive processes. This insight is not founded on an experiential success; rather, it is based on abstract, cogni- tive connections between Outward Bound experiences and real-life chal- lenges. Even after these connections have been made, the best that the student can hope for is a relatively weak, intellectual insight into his or her tendencies to be caught in unpro- ductive patterns. Perhaps this new knowledge will help, but the student is not sure. In spite of the weakness of OBP insight when compared with the Metaphoric Model's experiential strategies, it is still vastly superior to the type of insight fostered in a clinic or doctor's office. At least second generation insight is based on an analysis of concrete and graphic be- haviors, behaviors which have been emitted in stressful, challenging situ- ations and witnessed by an entire group of people. When that same group attempts to foster insight in a person, it tends to be achieved more quickly and easily than the abstract struggle with second-hand events practiced in a clinic. Of course, this discussion of the differences in power of different types of insight is a bit oversimpli- fied. Even the most effective MM in- troduction only makes a course event similar to the real-life situation; even psychologically speaking, the two experiences are never totally identi- cal. Given that fact, a metaphoric course success is not completely equivalent to mastery of the real-life challenge. Furthermore, in a second genera- tion approach, after a student gains intellectual insight, he or she may be able to test that insight on the next Outward Bound activity. If he or she achieves an experiential success there, one can argue that the second generation model also provides in- sight which is grounded in experi- ence. To use the terminology intro- duced previously, the students bene- fit from a default introduction con- sisting of their recent insight into their behavior. It is also possible for a gifted stu- dent to realize the metaphorical na- ture of a course activity in the midst of that activity without any help from an introduction. In summary, there are a number of factors that can lead a student to experiential learn- ing even on a MST or an OBP course. Yet in spite of these qualifying ex- amples, one can still maintain that the Metaphoric Model offers a pro- found, powerful, and rapidly forced type of insight which is much supe- rior to the cognitive insight achieved by earlier curriculum models. Interestingly, the Metaphoric Model's experientially derived form of insight is similar to something strategic therapists call pragmatic insight. Note that in the following passage, Weeks and L' Abate (1982) differentiate pragmatic insight from traditional insight by the degree to which it is grounded in experience. The kind of insight produced from a paradoxical interven- tion is different from that pro- duced by reflection or inter- pretation (i.e., by words). Most insights are generated by the therapist's verbalizations and the impact on the client is questionable. We believe most insights are nothing more than cognitions — thoughts about overt behavior. A paradox, on the other hand, can produce a pragmatic insight. This kind of insight emerges from the sys- tematic manipulation of the client by the therapist, but it is a self-generated insight. The therapist merely provides a structure for an experience — not the interpretation of that experience. The insight is a perceptual reorganization grounded in the client's imme- diate experience. Its truth is utterly convincing and ines- capable. It is such a powerful insight that the client may slip into a trance state as the in- sight occurs. It might be noted that using the term pragmatic to describe this type of insight is consistent with William James' (1907) pragmatic the- ory of truth. For James, truth referred to whether an idea worked, and whether any idea worked depended upon some form of action leading to an experience, (p. 143, underlin- ing and parentheses in origi- nal) It is clear from this quote that the authors are not actually anti-insight; rather, they may be critical of tradi- tional forms of insight, but in favor of "pragmatic" insights which actu- ally lead to change. It is also interesting to note their insistence that this pragmatic insight is self-generated insight, albeit a self- generated insight which arises from a structured experience. Similarly, the Metaphoric Model is paradoxically 50 both highly directive and strongly committed to ensuring students' con- trol over their own learning. While there is a strong interest in minimiz- ing a student's tendencies to repeat unsuccessful strategies, there is an equal devotion to allowing him or her to decide what type of choices to make for the future. In the example of the Wall, the sexist leadership strategies were discouraged but the students were not told how to act to be egalitarian. They developed their own approach to egalitarian leader- ship without any influence from the instructor. In conclusion, the difference be- tween the quality of insight gener- ated by the two approaches is de- pendent on the meaning of the Out- ward Bound activity as it is experi- enced. If an experience can be shaped so that it truly and accurately repre- sents the real-life challenge, then a simple success at that experience leads to rapid, profound insight. The MST and OBP approaches work slowly and are comparatively weak because they rely on forming theo- retical, cognitive links between the Outward Bound experience and real life. But when those connections are grounded in experience, then an Out- ward Bound success leads to rela- tively effortless insight and change. Literature Cited Bacon, S. 1983. The conscious use of metaphor in Outward Bound. Denver, CO: Colorado Outward Bound Press. Bandura, Alfred. 1969. Principles of behavior modification. New York: Holt, Rhinehart & Winston. Burton, Leslie. 1981. A critical analy- sis and review of the research on Outward Bound and related pro- grams. New Jersey: Rutgers Uni- versity, State University of New Jersey. Ph.D. dissertation. Fisch, R.; Weakland, J.; Segal, L. 1983. The tactics of change: doing ther- apy briefly. San Francisco: Jossey- Bass Publishers. Fletcher, B. A. 1970. Students of Out- ward Bound Schools in Great Brit- ain: a follow-up study. England: University of Bristol School of Education. Unpublished manu- script. Gager, Ron. 1977. Experiential educa- tion: strengthening the learning process. Denver, CO: Colorado Outward Bound School. Unpub- lished manuscript. Haley, Jay. 1973. Uncommon ther- apy. New York: W. W. Norton & Co. Haley, Jay. 1986. Power tactics of Je- sus Christ and other essays, 2nd edition. New York: Triangle Press. James, Thomas. 1980. Can the moun- tains speak for themselves? Den- ver, CO: Colorado Outward Bound School. Unpublished manuscript. Kalisch, Ken. 1979. The role of the in- structor in the Outward Bound educational process. Three Lakes, WI: Ken Kalisch Press. Lankton, S.; Lankton, C. 1983. The answer within: a clinical frame- work of Ericksonian hypnother- apy. New York: Brunner/Mazel, Inc. Madanes, Cloe. 1984. Strategic family therapy. San Francisco, CA: Jos- sey-Bass Publishers. McGee, Lynn. 1985. It's a jungle out there. Amtrak Express (August/ September): 18-49. Putnam, Roger. 1977. A rationale for Outward Bound. England: Eskdale Outward Bound School. Unpublished manuscript. Shore, Arnold. 1976. Outward Bound: a reference volume. Greenwich, CT: Outward Bound Press. Watkins, John G. 1986. Hypnother- apeutic techniques: volume 1 of the practice of clinical hypnosis. New York: Irvington Press. Watzlawick, Paul. 1984. The invented reality. New York: W. W. Norton &Co. Weeks, G.; L' Abate, L. 1982. Para- doxical psychotherapy: theory and practice with individuals, couples, and families. New York: Brunner/ Mazel Publishers. Zeig, J. 1980. A teaching seminar with Milton Erickson. New York: Brunner/Mazel Publishers. 51 p Benefits Perceived by Past Participants in the NOLS Wind River Wilderness Course: A Methodological Inquiry^ B. L^Driver, George L.(Peterson, and A. TAEasley1 Abstract.— This study focused on past participants (1974-1984) in the Wind River Wilderness Course (WRWC) of the National Outdoor Leadership School. The methods proved successful for identifying perceived beneficial aspects of the WRWC by past participants. The methods applied were also useful for (1) evaluating how desirable each identified beneficial change was perceived to be; (2) measuring the amount of change that the participants perceived had occurred since they participated in the WRWC; and (3) estimating how much of that perceived beneficial change was attributed to the WRWC. Public agencies and private firms supply wildland amenity goods and services because of the benefits they provide to individuals and society, and they manage amenity resources to assure benefits in the future. The values of these benefits are appraised both by users' willingness to pay for the goods and services and by non- monetary measures (Driver and Burch, in press; Peterson et al., in press). Information on the benefits of us- ing wildlands for recreation and re- lated purposes has been a top prior- ity in all of the national recreation research needs assessments that have been made during the past 20 years, the most recent of which was coordi- nated by the U.S. National Park Serv- ice (1981). Despite these assessments, little research using nonmonetary measures has attempted to quantify the magnitude of the benefits, pri- marily because of its complexity (Driver 1987, Driver et al. 1987). There are literally hundreds of com- binations of wildland recreation ac- tivities and settings — ranging from those chosen near home to remote locations — that can provide different benefits. There are also many factors 'Driver and Peterson ore Research For- ester and Research Engineer, respectively, with the(LJSDA Forest Service. Rocky Moun- tain Forest and Range Experiment Station, in Fort Collins, Colo)Easley is Dean of the School of Natural Resources, Sir Sanford Fleming College, Lindsay, Ontario. Can- ada. that can interact with an amenity good or service to create benefits. These include age, sex, type of home or work environment, personality, and cognitive style. It is quite diffi- cult to control for the influence of these variables in the research de- signs. In addition, expensive and complex longitudinal studies must be made, and they should include physiological as well as economic and sociological measures. Because of this complexity, adequate methods have not been developed to identify and quantify the benefits of using wildlands for recreational and other purposes. The exploratory research reported in this paper attempted to improve these methods. To help reduce the complexity of the study, we selected a user group that evidenced considerable homoge- neity in the type of activity and wildland environment selected and in their socioeconomic characteris- tics. Group members were past par- ticipants in the National Outdoor Leadership School's (NOLS) Wind River Wilderness Course. Such a use was timely to study because of the growth in the so-called "adventure recreation" programs (Ewert 1986) and because of the strong support of the study by officials at NOLS.2 2 We particularly acknowledge the sup- port of Jim Rati, executive director of NOLS, and of Evelyn McClure, Trudy Homec, and Paul Calver, who helped with the sample design and administered the question- naires. NOLS is a nonprofit educational institution founded in 1965 by Paul Petzoldt. Its objectives are to teach and develop (1) appreciation of wil- derness; (2) techniques that promote competency in the safe use of wilder- ness with minimal adverse environ- mental impact; and (3) outdoor lead- ership skills. Contrasted with other "adventure recreation" programs, such as Outward Bound, NOLS courses do not focus as much on per- sonal challenge and growth in self- confidence; rather they concentrate on the development of the partici- pants' wilderness skills, minimum impact camping techniques, and de- velopment of leadership. For NOLS, wilderness is not viewed so much as a challenge as a comfortable and en- joyable place for those who have learned appropriate skills and tech- niques. Currently, NOLS provides a vari- ety of courses on public lands to more than 2,000 students annually, primarily near its headquarters in Lander, Wyo., but also at four branch schools in Alaska; Baja, Mexico; the north Cascades in the State of Wash- ington; and in Kenya, Africa. The Wind River Wilderness Course in Wyoming has been one of the most highly attended since NOLS started. During 1985, 1986, and 1987, enroll- ments were 192, 251, and 301, respec- tively. That course takes place in the summer months, lasts 5 weeks, and has three NOLS instructors for up to 17 students. Most of the enrollees are 52 16-20 years old, and there is a mix of male and female students in most courses. The participants come from throughout the United States. The courses are physically rigorous and typically occur in extremely rough terrain. A typical curriculum is out- lined in Easley et al. (1986: 379). Although literally hundreds of studies have been made of partici- pant responses to Outward Bound type courses (Burton 1981, Ewert 1983) and to therapeutic programs (Barcus and Bergenson 1982, Gibson 1979, Levitt 1982), relatively little re- search has been done at NOLS. One study by Henry and Driver (1974) looked at the motivations of the sum- mer 1972 participants in the NOLS Mountaineering course. Another study by Easley et al. (1986) ap- praised the perceived gains in self- confidence, outdoor skills, and lead- ership skills by 1,560 participants in 39 standard NOLS courses in Wyo- ming in 1984, as well as the influence of perceived instructor effectiveness on these gains. A third study by Wil- liams et al. (in press) examined the types of experiences desired and ob- tained from Wyoming NOLS courses by the students. The four objectives of this explora- tory study were to develop and test methodologies to: 1. Determine how well past participants in the NOLS Wind River Wilderness Course (hereafter referred to as WRWC) could identify and articulate perceived benefits. 2. Measure the participants' perceptions of: a. The relative desirability of realizing each type of per- ceived benefit. b. The degree to which they have realized each benefit since they participated in the WRWC. c. How much influence par- ticipation in the course had on the realization of the benefit. 3. Determine if the participants differed in their dispositions toward the course and if those market segments most favorably disposed differed in benefits perceived from those who held less favorable attitudes. 4. Determine if different types of participants varied in the benefits perceived. Methods The survey research design con- sisted of two questionnaires mailed at different times. The first was open- ended and was used to define pos- sible benefits. The second, derived from the first, used a fixed list format to quantify the perceived benefits and other variables measured. The study was a cooperative effort between the Rocky Mountain Forest and Range Experiment Station and NOLS. The questionnaires were pre- pared by the authors then reviewed by NOLS officials. Selection of the sample was done at NOLS, as was mailing of all the questionnaires. Sampling To test for the effect of time on the perception of benefit, participants were sampled who had participated in the WRWC during different years between 1974 and 1983. For this ex- ploratory study, the design called for sampling at least 200 participants for each of the designated years. The to- tal sample of 1,282 participants com- prised the following: for 1974 — 343; 1975—347; 1981—196; 1982—199; 1983 — 197. Higher numbers were chosen for 1974 and 1975 because of the higher likelihood of noncurrent (nondeliverable) addresses for those years. Sampling of rosters of past participants of specific WRWC's was done randomly at NOLS, with all participants in a chosen course in- cluded in the sample frame. Only re- spondents to the first questionnaire were sent the second one. Questionnaires The first brief, 2-page question- naire solicited information about the benefits the participants perceived from the course and those aspects of the course that were the most benefi- cial. The purposes of the study were explained in a cover letter signed by Jim Ratz, executive director of NOLS. The instructional set for the benefits question was as follows: Please think back to when you arrived in Lander, Wyoming, to begin your Wind River Wil- derness Course. Then think about how participation in that course might have bene- fited you, even if in just a small way or for a short pe- riod of time. Think about whether the course might have influenced desirable changes in your skills, atti- tudes, knowledge or behav- ior— from then until now. Then, the participants were asked to check whether they thought they had not benefited, they thought they benefited but could not describe how, or they believed they benefited and could describe, at least generally, some of those benefits. If they se- lected the last option, they were asked to describe, in a space pro- vided, all of the influences of the course of benefit to them. The second questionnaire was de- veloped using responses from the first. It included three sections. Sec- tion I, in three parts, included a list of possible benefit items selected fol- lowing a very detailed and careful 53 content analysis of all responses to the benefit section of the first, open- ended questionnaire. In that analysis all dimensions of beneficial change attributed to the WRWC on the first questionnaire were first listed sepa- rately and then grouped into concep- tually related classes with frequen- cies recorded for identical or very similar benefit themes that were ar- ticulated by the respondents. These groups of benefit themes were then used to write 81 benefit items. To the extent possible, the wordings used by the respondents were employed to write the items. Several similar items were included to develop scales only for those benefit themes that were mentioned most frequently by several respondents. No special attempt was made to include items that reflected NOLS's teaching objec- tives for the course. Rather, the items reflected the past participants' re- sponses. The benefit themes varied consid- erably in their concreteness, the focus of their impact, and their scope. Sev- eral were rather abstract ("apprecia- tion of the power of nature'') and others specific ("being physically fit"). Some were instrumentalities for other changes ("better eating hab- its"), while others denoted desirable ends ("desirable weight gain or loss"). Several reflected ideals ("more compassionate") and still others changes in behavior ("reduced use of tobacco"). No attempt was made in this exploratory research to organize these various themes other than through the cluster analyses ex- plained later. To avoid bias, the 81 benefit items obtained from the first questionnaire were listed in the second question- naire under the label "Dimensions of Personal Change" rather than as "perceived benefits." We refer to them in this paper as perceived bene- fits because those 81 items were de- rived from the open-ended question- naire that explicitly solicited state- ments of how the participants felt they had benefited. The perceived benefit label is also fitting because the subsequently reported responses to the second questionnaire show that all 81 items were rated as desir- able, meaning they were perceived to be beneficial. Part 1 of Section I of the second questionnaire asked the respondents to report how desirable or undesir- able they thought each item was; this is called the "Desirability Response." Part 2 of Section I solicited informa- tion on how much the respondents thought they had changed along each of the 81 dimensions since they started the WRWC; this is called the "Perceived Change Response." Part 3 of Section I asked how much the re- spondents believed that any changes reported for Part 2 could be attrib- uted to the WRWC; this is called the "Influence of NOLS Response."3 These labels are used throughout the remainder of this paper. Section II contained a list of 16 fa- vorable and unfavorable statements about the course. Students were asked to rate their degree of agree- ment/disagreement with each state- ment. Because the purpose was to measure affective disposition toward the course, using a multiple-item in- ventory, these statements are called "disposition items." Section III col- lected selected socioeconomic infor- mation. The first questionnaire was mailed in the spring of 1986, and the second one a year later only to the respon- dents of the first. Because this was primarily an exploratory methods- testing study, only one mailing was made of each questionnaire, meaning that a high response rate was not ex- pected. Analysis The 81 benefit items and 16 dispo- sition items were cluster analyzed using three cross-checking algo- rithms (I-Clust, Isodata, and factor 3lt was not called the "Influence of WRWC Response" because it was judged that NOLS might have had an influence beyond that course. analysis) to develop what are termed "Perceived Benefit" and "Disposi- tion" scales. In addition, respon- dents, or cases, were clustered on the disposition scales to define disposi- tion types. Means were computed for the perceived benefit scales for the Desirability, Perceived Change, and Influence of NOLS parts of Section I and to the dispositions scales of Sec- tion II. Frequency distributions were calculated for categories of the socio- economic variables, which were com- bined into larger groups to provide adequate sample sizes for the cross- tabular analyses. MANOVA and ANOVA (using the LSD procedure) were used to test for differences in response to the benefit and disposition scales by these subgroups (e.g., year of partici- pation in the course). However, these tests should be viewed as illustrative of the applications of methods in this exploratory study and as descriptive of variables that differ and not as confirmation of specific differences; the weak statistical base caused by the low response rate prevents con- firmatory hypothesis testing. Results and Interpretation Response Rates Of the 1,281 open-ended question- naires that were mailed (first class), many were returned to NOLS as un- deliverable, but no definitive count was maintained. We suspect that many were also sent to the respon- dents' previous home address and not forwarded by their parents. Of the 292 usable questionnaires (23% of all mailed) returned, 110 (38%) pro- vided useful responses to the one mailing of the second questionnaire. No test of nonresponse bias was made, and our response rate does not permit generalization of the re- sults of this exploratory study to the overall population. Benefit Scales and Disposition Table 1 shows the 19 perceived benefit scales that resulted from the 54 Table 1 . —Item composition of the pei benefit scales. More humble.. 2. Eating habits: Greater. awareness. of benefits of good nutrition. Increased knowledge about what constitutes good nufri- Better eating habits. 3. Nonmaferial values Knowing that I can reaiiy do with out many material things. f Greater appreciation of the :; spiritual benefits of wlidlands. 4 . if Trust o\her$:i^MMMUMMM^}^^ More trusting of others. Improved ability: to trust others, 5. Svstemdti c and positive : . More positive attitude, : Improved ability to plan my actions : Knowing that a poor attitude is detrimental to my perform- ance. Ability; to face challenges with less hesitation, More organized, 6. : Function responsibility Ability to function in diverse groups of people, : Ability to take care of myself , ;: Increased sense of personal ■ ■: : responsibility > 7. Open efficiency Ability to respond favorably to helpful criticism. Ability to use my personal en- ; ergies and resources effi- : . ciently. Ability to benefit from self-re-, flection, . Ability to be more honest with others, Knowing that^^^^^fe : f:f : benefits often depends on hard work, Ability to express my opinions • ' ::dnd personal needs to others. Ability to put my everyday • problems within a proper per- spectrve. 8. integrative f Broader perspectives. : Greater curiosity,; Better ability to integrate or to look at the "big picture," Better ability to keep cod in tense situations. improved ability to know when it is best to compromise . 9, Leadership Ability to. follow good leaders. Ability to lead others. Interpersonal skills. Better ability to handle anger and frustration with others. 10, ; Many balls in the air Greater realization that team- work can be important in getting ::::x:::>:::^ responsibilities, 1 1 . ; Self-confidence "i : :^§MlMM9^ Ahilitv to nnH^rtrtte^ rhnlf^nninri Increased self-cor Greater tndepenc Less fear of failure Feelings of person ^bnl^^pL Improved ability to de maintain friendships. Greater awareness of with others. Improved ability to res people. 13. Endurance Ability to push; myself to go on when I feel like stopping, but need to get a job done. Knowledge that my persona! ca- pacities can be greater than imagined. 14. Can do Ability to solve problems bet- ter. More self-discipline. More adaptive to new situ- ations. Better judgement More compassionate, 15. Nature understanding : Better understanding of basic relationships between humans and the natural environment. Increased respect for nonhu- f : man life (plants and animals), ; : Increased understanding of need to protect natural envi- ronments, :| : Appreciation of the power of nature, 16. Outdoor skills Improved woods or outdoor skills.;; Greater understanalng of the natural environment,: Improved skills in tow-impact recreational use of wlidlands. Knowledge of how to be com- forfable in wildlands. Better appreciation of the therapeutic values of wild- lands, 17. Bogy care Being physically fit. Improved motor skills (strength and coordination). Reduced use of tobacco. Desirable weight loss or gain. Get more physical exercise. : Overcoming a particular habit that } wanted to change. 18. Tpiergnce More sensitive to others. More tolerant of others. More patient with others. Ability to respect points of view that do not agree with yours. Increased flexibility. 19. Safety More safety conscious, increased knowledge of first- aid. Ability to pace myself. 55 cluster analyses of the 81 dimension- of-change items included in the sec- ond questionnaire. That clustering was done separately on responses to the Desirability, Perceived Change, and Influence of NOLS response for- mats. Most reliance in developing the perceived benefit scales was placed on the clusters formed from the De- sirability responses, because it seemed more logical to develop ben- efit scales from the desirability of the items than on how much the respon- dents reported they had changed or attributed any change to the course. Such a focus should increase the con- tent validity of the scales. The questionnaire items making up each scale are shown in table 1. The labels given the scales represent the themes connoted by those items, but they were judgmental. Some la- bels (No. 7, Open Efficiency; No. 10, Many Balls in the Air; and No. 14, Can Do) can be understood better if the reader looks at the items that comprise the scales. The 19 perceived benefit scales in table 1 indicate three things. First, the respondents could, without any prompting by way of example, ar- ticulate a rather diverse but well-de- fined set of perceived benefits — one of the most interesting findings of the study. Second, many of the perceived benefits reflect the objectives of the WRWC, which is not too surprising. Third, other types of perceived bene- fits emerged that have not been pro- moted by NOLS but that are intuitive within the context of the WRWC. Ex- amples include greater Humility (No. 1) and "more tolerant of others" (un- der Tolerance, No. 18). Table 2 shows the alpha reliabili- ties of the 19 perceived benefit scales and of the two of the three disposi- tion scales comprising more than one item, plus the item composition of those three scales. All reliabilities ex- ceed 0.60, which is commonly viewed as minimally acceptable, and most are considerably higher. The disposition scales reflect three the- matic orientations toward the course — enjoyment, worth about equal the costs, and a nonspecific overall appraisal. Table 3 shows that most of the 19 perceived benefit scales are moder- ately to highly intercorrelated — for psychometric scales — on the Desira- bility, Perceived Change, and Influ- ence of NOLS measures. This is not surprising given that each of the scales measures a construct per- ceived as beneficial by the respon- dents. Because each of the 19 scales had statistical properties that permit- Tdfol post the scales and 1 2. 3. 4, 5. 6. 7. || 10. 1 1. 12. 13 14. 15< 16. 17. 18. 19 ^fcejved benefit $cqtef Scalea Alpha reliabilities Humility v Eating habits Nonmaterid values Trust others Systematic and positive Function responsibility Open efficiency integrative Leadership Many bails in the air " Self-confidence Understanding Endurance Can do Nature ur Outdoor sktls Body care ; Tolerance Safety iRifi^rrthiifitS/S .93 Ah: .791 .96 .98 lit .83 .93 .96 .92 Perceived change .96 .77 i M .83 .95 .92 .92 .93 .89 .97 .90 .90 .89 .95 86 m .83 ,83 .78 .82 .89 ii .88 .92 m .97 .87 .95 .89 .88 .90 .92 76 Hi sposifion scales "! • Enjoyment ( =0.75) ( enjoyed the course. I stil! enjoy thinking about the good times I had on the course. My memories of the course are unpleasant. 2, Break Even ( = na) • The course was worth just about what I paid for It 3. General worth ( =0,7.0) I wish I hadn't taken the course. The course was a waste of my time, i was disappointed with the course. If I had the time, I would like to take a NOLS course again some- time. The time course took was well spent. The course was not worth the money I paid for It. • It was a worthwhile experience. °Tobte ) givmth content of each 56 ma jQ C $3 £2 S ^ 3 *T 5> R Co ^8 !> & ?2 -3 $ 3i X 0 £ 1 § $ 3 85 3 5 § : S $ 8 ': § & 8 $ 3 § % x £ $ Q O •:p<-:0Q;:f« in co p is /— ip >- est o co CN ^ CN CO CN tO tf> CV /r—i/sj ^ X,.CO <3 8%3c^3Co:$#383 x s $ s s :>3 *0 >C$ P*» § l^vCV CO 00 *-~: (n CN/W..CN CO. :.*}•: /ST •o S ^ ^ $ 00,r-oOxfU)OU)wN-0 07 sr cn 51 f> . £2 >8 8 53 X 5f X x$$ j <>C> Cm s> tf> Q St CN X N lO tO ,:X u) to r-. r-. 2f £ S 2g x vq •.•*-■••. • — l() O- CO NOOi — v^QO :<>:::)Qtt::C3: «3 n' I** r co to ^o. NrtO; tS- CO CO O ^ <> 00 ts $ f>Q :U> :>0 CO tO :sO r> X <> N;:(s. tO 00 . O UO CO rv X R S § $ 53": CN cO cO tO Q 00 O f-s to ^<5 i-Q ^ ^ O tO tO co ^. K) S >© *— CO Q O- N CO X r-. -q -q rs. rsorsu5\j,,q'N^ X CN 00 esses cm 0) o m 1 : O «0 N CN Q- -rt ^ X co rO xO >5 ^CT co: ST CO U0 <> ^ U5 0 • ' o o CO :*0 f< tO O CO CO CN iSi:^:^: ^^^coc^CN'srrococO'q-CN ■C;>:: ;:iE:;:iij: C 'C: a £ c O': z "D ::.;C: a §:: a;: M p to: a* o 5 S ? 2 55 £ o s. o 2 o 0 cut? ?o » r: X 5 ^ > ^vSsClxVy;: 3 o £ t= T3 $ ^ o; 4s, 00 f> 0) O x 3 to to S Co ^ ^ ^ r$ co CrS ^0 ^ x^ 5:.^'^WS8 ^ .8.:'$.5>fc ^ <^ C> C> CN Q CN CN CV t> CO : tO <3 tO 'si <5 M O V 'Si U> lyDx'SO::: sQ O f^ > — f-». .tO :CT> cr>::^J'::.«D:: ■:::a>S::::x: If C5) ;CT::: pi i^:" n ::•:: ::': a $> & : X: "fc X: O }= rt> i+=i:i:-.. .f o> I b r. ^ ? 2 b^o.ffi:::i f /Ay///^^^>^^^^Vl;.^^^V//■W//M^//^'^^v^■7^^\7^:••••^/^•■•"■••••'h•^ CO, CN CO.Xf tf» -O N (O 0> 57 ted empirical clustering as distinct scales, we retained those separate identities to preserve the identity of the benefit themes rather than col- lapse the scales further into a smaller group that would have less intercor- relation. Table 4 shows the overall means for the 19 perceived benefit scales as to their desirability, how much the respondents perceived they have changed along each benefit dimen- sion, and the degree to which NOLS is credited as influencing any changes reported. Means for the three disposition scales are also shown. Because this is primarily a methods development paper, we did not attempt tests of differences be- tween the means within a column in table 4. Interpretations of table 4 must be tempered by the possibility that the means contain a low-response-rate bias. Those who responded might have been more motivated or reflect a more favorable disposition toward NOLS than those who did not. Any biases of these types should logically be more a problem for the Influence of NOLS variable than for the Desira- bility and Perceived Change vari- ables, because these last two vari- ables were not explicitly evaluated with respect to NOLS except for the Perceived Change since participation in the WRWC. In addition to the pos- sibility of low-response-rate bias, some positive "halo effect" bias could be present, because many past participants of the WRWC are strong supporters of NOLS. With the possibility of low-re- sponse-rate bias in mind, one can no- tice in table 4 that there is relatively little difference in how desirable each benefit was perceived to be on the average. This is not surprising given that each of the scales measure desir- able or beneficial constructs. Note that most of the means approach 8.0, which on the response format used denotes very desirable. Regarding Perceived Change, it is interesting to note that the mean de- gree of change (since participation in the WRWC) was 3.0 or higher on 16 of the 19 scales, with 3.0 and 4.0 de- noting moderate and a lot of change, respectively. Note too that the high- est means are for those perceived benefits that either are explicitly grounded in NOLS objectives for the course or can logically be expected from the course. This pattern is even more pronounced for the highest mean scores in the last column, which reflect the degree to which the Perceived Changes can be attributed to the influence of NOLS — which we assume is mostly from the WRWC. Concerning the Influence of NOLS variable, at least a little (score of 2.0) of the change reported was attrib- uted to the WRWC for all 19 benefit scales, with 7 scales exceeding 3.0 {moderate) and one exceeding 4.0 {a lot). This relatively high attribution of the perceived beneficial changes to the WRWC is a particularly interest- ing finding — even if bias is present. The means for the Disposition scales in table 4 reflect very positive overall attitudes toward the WRWC, when it is remembered that 7.0 reflects agree strongly or disagree strongly with the items (table 2) that Table 4.— Overall means (and standard devia and disposition scales (minimum usable N ac 1 ben PVnrMr>-iK>lif* 1. Humility : V 2. Eating habits 3. : Nonmatenal values 4. Trust others i 5. Systematic and positive 6. function responsibly 7. Open efficiency 8. Integrative 9. Leadership 10. Many balls in the air 1 1 . Self-confidence 1 2. Understanding 13. Endurance 14. Can do 15. Nature understanding 16. Outdoor skills }7< Body care 18, Tolerance - - Disposition scafesc 7*3; 7.9 8.2 8,0 7.9 8,1 8.0 8.2 7.9 81 7.8 7,9 7 7 (0,7) (0,8) (0.6) (0.6) (0.6) (0,7) (0.7) (0.6) (0.7) m (07) X0.SY 3.1 (0,6) 3.2 (0.8) 3.2 (0.7) 3.4 (1,0) 3.4 (0.8) 3.1 (0.8) 3.5 (1.1) 3.1 (0.8) 3.6 (1.3) 3.7 (0.9) 2,4 (0.9) 3.0 (0.9) 3.2 (0,8) Influence NOLS" 3.7 (1.4) 2.2 (1.3) 2.8 (1.1) 3.0 (1.0) 2,5 (1.1) 2.7 (1.3) 2.9 (0.1) 3.0 (1.2) 3,0 (1.0) 2.5 (1.2) 3.5 (1.4) 2.6 (1 .1) : 2:5 (1,5) 2.9 (1.2) 2 3. Enjoyment Break even General wc 6.2 (1.0) 5.2 (1.9) 6,7 (0.5) alhe 9-po'mf response formal was coded 1 for extremely undesirable and 9 for ex- tremely desirabie, with $ being undecided or neutral, \ . °The6-poht response formats were coded Ot ar undecided. I for not at all and 5 for very much:- -W^ . • cMeon$ for the disposition scales were computed on a 7 -point response formaf on which strongly agree was coded 7 and strongly disagree was coded 1 on positive rterns+ with reverse coding of negative items, so a score of? reflects a positive dlsposi- fin, ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 58 comprise the scales. Note the mean of 6.7 for disposition scale No. 3 and its small standard deviation. Dispositions of Market Segments Toward the Course The third objective of this meth- ods-testing paper was to apply mar- ket-segmentation techniques to test whether different segments benefited differently. After the three disposition scales were defined by cluster analysis, those scales were used to cluster or type the respondents. Table 5 shows that four disposition types were de- fined. The highly significant (p = 0.001) MANOVA supports the con- clusion that different types were de- fined, as indicated by the differences in their means for the disposition scales.4 The multiple comparison ANOVA's (using the LSD procedure) suggest which types differ. Thus, dis- tinct market segments of participants were defined that varied in their dis- positions toward the course and, as reported next, those types differed on the perceived benefit scales. Be- cause it is possible to define the dominant social-economic character- istics of each disposition type, analy- ses of this form could be quite useful to organizations such as NOLS in 4We reiterate that the statistical tests are used here to describe the relative strengths of the differences and not to test hypothe- ses. their marketing activities and in at- tempts to increase the attractiveness of the course to all participants. To further test the effects of mar- ket segmentation techniques in re- search on the amenity benefits of wildlands, tables 6 and 7 show re- sults of MANOVA and multiple comparison ANOVA tests of differ- ences in means for the 19 perceived benefit scales by the Desirability, Per- ceived Change, and Influence of NOLS responses, by selected classes of socioeconomic variables. Since in research such as this, prevention of Type II error is just as important or more important than Type I error, an a of 0.20 was used for the MA- NOVA's and of 0.10 for the multiple comparison tests if the MANOVA suggested such. All attained p levels are reported for the MANOVA's even if they exceed the chosen a lev- els, both to point out some patterns that are not statistically significant and to document the significant lev- els of the negative findings — some of which came close to a < 0.20. Those negative findings might be useful in future similar research designs. Table 6 shows the results for the four Disposition types (labeled 1^4). The MANOVA's were significant for both the Desirability and Influence of NOLS tests, but not for Perceived Change. For Desirability of the bene- fits, the ANOVA's showed signifi- cant differences for 5 of the 19 per- ceived benefit scales, with the pattern being that disposition type 4 had lower mean scores than the other three types. The last set of columns show too that type 4 scored lower than the other three types in 18 of the 19 scales when ratings were made of the Influence of NOLS on the benefi- cial changes reported. Although the MANOVA was not significant for the amount of Perceived Change re- ported, the same pattern holds there, with type 4 always registering the lower scores. No attempt was made to describe the characteristics of any of the types even though such analy- ses can be made to reveal useful mar- keting and program development information. Table 7 also shows results for the four disposition types, but only for those perceived benefit scales that achieved statistical significance when the analysis involved subclasses of the socioeconomic variables. For ex- ample, the MANOVA for Sex was significant only for the Perceived Change response, but was close (p = 0.22) to the a of 0.20 for the Desira- bility response. In all cases, the fe- males scored slightly higher than the males. The results for the Age-at- Time-of-the-Course variable shows that the MANOVA for Perceived Change was significant, with the older age group (20+ years) scoring lower than the two younger groups (13-15 and 18-20). Somewhat surpris- ingly, Year of Participation did not predict much difference in the per- ceived benefit scores. However, Edu- cation at the Time of the Survey did, r Table 5.— Means (and standard deviations) for the four disposition types by the three disposition scales ah. Disposition SCaleS^:::3:|:; Overall Disposition types 2(n=45) 3 i V O 1 ll WE £ S <1> O s> C TJ a> 5 :-:-:m>:4m; fc c < > O c o I a E o 1 TJ B 8, a mm i ■ a 0 *»»::: 9 a :::3 II... 5 ? * < TJ o o s & m mm 1 1: HOT m o oq. err oq, to. to, co. r,- CN CN CN CN CN CN CN (N N W CN 0 CO <> .r^ <> hs O >"-;<> <> <> f~S. <*5 .;>*■*«•> f*"-' "C*^ P"***' V'1''-. C^f p"'*' f ■'■' [»''''' - *"*T"' ' 'O^* ^0 ' •O U> O \0 a> CN oi <0 .fN -J^icO; to ci to to cn cn to ro t> *q o 0 rs. :c~,:-:'rr':-:- to -q- : Ci- "CN": o o d d ::Sp;;iE2>;;! SsOxD*:;: CO l< : o c ^ r ^::c^:i Silllllliil IS till ell" iiiiii 3 o 0 oi .■<>. oa o mm <> d C 5 : I Systematic and post ive 3. Function responsibly ' Open efficiency I. integrative Fl, ". Seif-contldence 13, Endurarce 14. Can co 17: Body ccneMMtwiW§M MANOVA (atta;ned p) 7.8 7.9 8.0 73 76 8.1 8 2 8 2 83 78 0.22 C.04 0.06 0.01 0.09" 0.04: 3.3 3,0 3.2 3.0 3.6 3,4 : 3,5 3.3 0.02 0.06 DJ0 0.C4 0.09 C.46 Desirability Perceived c hange Influence of NOLS Perceived benefit scale Mean0 Differ- p ences Mean* Differ- ences Mean* 12 3 p ences 1 2 3 p ences 1 2 Age at time of course (1=15-17,2=18-20, 3=+20, with n=39, 29, and 27, respectively) Differ- p ences m 2. 2.8 2,8 2,2 0.01 3*1,2 2.5 2.4 2.0 0.10 3*1,2 Trust othe'S 5, System c^ c and positive 7 , ' Open efficency }■ 1 2 . ■ Understanding A ' 009 2*3 2*3 2.7 2,8 ill 3; > J 0,01 3.4 2,8 0.06 3,2 2,8: 0,06 3.2 2.8 0.06 0,08 mrnm 2*3 3*1.2 3*1,2 MANOVA (attained p) 030 ' Year of participation (1=1974, 2=1975-81, 3=1982 and 84, with n=25, 34, and 35 respectively) 2.5 2.1 2.7 0.09 2*3 2. Eating habits 12. Understanding 7,8 7.8 82 0.07 3*1,2 020 MANOVA (aitanea p) 020 0.23 Education at time of survey (1=13-15, 2=16, 3=+16 with n=2, 38, 37 respectively)' .27 1. Burhiiity 2. Ealing habits 3, fNonmatenaf values 10, Mary bails in [ait^Mw^. 8.3 8,1 7.8 0.05 3*12 15. Native understanding 8.4 8,2 7.8 0.01 3*1,2 8.1 7,9 7.6 0.09 1*2 16, Outdoor skills • • • MANOVA (attained p) 0.18 3.0 2.8 2.3 0,02 3*12 3,2 3.4 2.8 0,05 2*3 AD ; 3.7 3.2 0,04 3*1,2 0,16 2.9 25 21 0.06 1*3 42 36 35 005 1*23 35 2.9 2,9 :-:;;A:fSii::;:>:: u.uo 1*23 0.09 °7he 9-point response format was coded 1 for extremely undesirable and 9 for extremely desirable, with 5 being undecided or ncu- bThe 6-point response formats were coded 0 for undecided, 1 for not at ait and 5 for very much. ^Education codes were 9-12 = secondary; 13-16 = undergraduate (college); and 1 7-22 - graduate (college). 61 differences were not large. The methods tested provide a novel way of eliciting perceived benefits, evaluating the Desirability of those benefits; measuring Per- ceived Changes along each dimen- sion of benefit over a specified time period; and estimating how much of any such change is attributed to a causative agent such as participation in the WRWC. The results also indi- cate that there can be useful applica- tions of market-segmentation meth- ods to research on the benefits of the recreational uses of wildlands. Although low response rates deter generalizations of the findings to all past participants in WRWC's, the re- sults of this exploratory study sug- gest that the results of future similar studies might be used in the follow- ing ways: 1. Contrast the likely benefits of NOLS-type courses with those attainable from other structured and unstructured outdoor programs. 2. Help organizations such as NOLS evaluate the effective- ness of their courses; define the objectives of specific courses better; improve their marketing strategies; define which types of participants benefit the most; identify types of participants who are most and least favorably dis- posed toward their courses; and, by addition of variables that describe different com- ponents of a course, identify those that contribute the most to participant types of benefits. 3. Contribute to the body of knowledge about the benefits of outdoor programs and ac- tivities, a topic on which very little systematic re- search has been conducted. Future studies should include par- ticipants in different types of courses at different locations; a wider inven- tory of disposition items; and vari- ables that define different aspects and components of the course, in- cluding descriptive information on the instructors. They also should be designed to achieve an appropriate response rate through use of follow- up questionnaires and other means. Literature Cited Barcus, Carolyn G.; Bergenson, Ro- land G. 1982. Survival training and mental health: a review. Therapeutic Recreation Journal. 6(1): 3-7. Burton, Leslie M. 1981. A critical analysis and review of the re- search on Outward Bound and related programs. New Brun- swick, NJ: Rutgers University. 196 p. Ph.D. dissertation. Driver, B. L. 1987. Benefits of river and trail recreation: the limited state of knowledge and why it is limited. In: Seguire, Susan, ed. Proceedings, International con- gress on trail and river recreation. Vancouver, B.C.: Outdoor Recrea- tion Council of British Columbia: 44-58. Driver, B. L.; Burch, William R., Jr. In press. A framework for more com- prehensive valuations of public amenity goods and services. In: Peterson, George L.; Driver, B. L.; Gregory, Robin, eds. Amenity re- source valuation: integrating eco- nomics with other disciplines. State College, PA: Venture Pub- lishing, Inc. Driver, B. L.; Nash, Roderick; Haas, Glenn E. 1987. Wilderness bene- fits: a state-of-knowledge review. In: Lucas, Robert C, comp. Pro- ceedings, National wilderness re- search conference: issues, state-of- knowledge, future directions. Gen. Tech. Rep. INT-220. Ogden, UT: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Intermountain For- est and Range Experiment Station: 294-319. Easley, A. T.; Roggenbuck, J. W.; Ratz, J. 1986. Wilderness educa- tion at NOLS: student outcomes and correlates of perceived in- structor effectiveness. In: Lucas, Robert C, comp. Proceedings, Na- tional wilderness research confer- ence: current research. Gen. Tech. Rep. INT-212. Ogden, UT: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Intermountain Forest and Range Experiment Station: 377- 384. Ewert, Alan. 1983. Outdoor adven- ture and self-concept: a research analysis. Eugene, OR: University of Oregon, College of Human De- velopment and Performance. 35 p. Ewert, Alan. 1986. Values, benefit and consequences of participation in outdoor adventure recreation. In: A literature review: the Presi- dent's Commission on Americans Outdoors. Washington, DC: Gov- ernment Printing Office: 71-80 (of Values section). Gibson, Peter M. 1979. Wilderness as sacred place. Washington, DC: Association of American Geogra- phers. 227 p. Henry, W. R.; Driver, B. L. 1974. Par- ticipants' reasons for attending the national outdoor leadership school's 1972 wilderness expedi- tion courses. Journal of Outdoor Education. 9(1): 6-13. Levitt, Lynn. 1982. How effective is wilderness therapy? a critical re- view. In: Boteler, Franklin E., comp. Proceedings, Third annual conference wilderness psychology group; 1982 July 8-9; Morgantown, WV. Morgantown, WV: West Vir- ginia University, Division of For- estry: 81-93. Peterson, George L.; Driver, B. L.; Brown, Perry J. [In press] The benefits of recreation: dollars and sense. In: Johnson, Rebecca L.; Johnson, Gary V., eds. Economic valuation of natural resources: is- sues, theory and applications. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. U. S. National Park Service. 1981. A national agenda for recreation re- 62 search. Washington, DC: Recrea- tion Resource Development Divi- sion, NPS. 26 p. Williams, Daniel R.; Ellis, Gary D.; Nickerson, Norma; Shafer, C. Scott. In press. Contribution of time, format and subject to vari- ations in recreation experience preference measurement. Journal of Leisure Research. Collective Social Groups in the Wilderness: Problems and Prospects John L.fHeywood1 Abstract.— Collectives are made up of combinations of known and unknown others, who join together to pursue a one-time wilderness activity, then disband never to exist again. Collectives are of interest because not only must they develop a structure and processes to pursue individual and collective goals, but often they must also cope with challenging, hazardous environments while doing so. Parson's Theory of Social Action systems is used to develop an approach to understanding collective development in wilderness settings. Within a wilderness setting a vari- ety of different combinations of people may be observed participat- ing in activities as leisure social groups. For river settings, Heywood (1984) has developed a typology of recreation groups based on the group's composition and social his- tory. Recreation groups may be made up exclusively of all known or all unknown others, or may be a combi- nation of known and unknown oth- ers. Two basic types of groups are rec- ognized as primary and collective. Primary groups are at the "all known" end of the composition con- tinuum and are made up of family and friends. These groups have a past and will have a future social his- tory of reciprocal relationships. Col- lective groups are made up of vari- ous combinations of known and un- known others. At the "all unknown" end of the continuum, collective groups are made up entirely of strangers. These groups have no past social history and will disband when the recreation activity ends. Collective groups in the middle of the continuum are composed of com- binations of families, friends, and strangers. While the family and friendship subgroups have different and separate social histories, the col- 1 School of Natural Resources\Ohio State University, Columbus, OHJ lective group has no past social his- tory and will disband when the activ- ity ends. Problem Statement Most research has been done on groups where members are friends or intimates, and the recreation expe- rience is part of the group's ongoing social history (Burch 1969, Cheek and Burch 1976, Field and O'Leary 1973). In many situations, such as Whitewa- ter river-running, mountaineering, and trekking, group effort is neces- sary to accomplish the recreational goals associated with these activities. More and more of these types of ac- tivities are being commercialized, and a wider array of individuals are participating who have different goals, skills, and interests. A distinguishing characteristic of many commercial groups is their col- lective make up, that is they exist only to pursue an activity for one time. Heywood (1984) has shown that 81% of the respondents in a na- tional study of river users indicated that they took their river trip in a group composed of some or all un- known others. The problem of inter- est is that these groups must either have very good leadership, or they must establish systems of action that integrate members and develop the means to accomplish the activity being pursued. The purpose of this paper is to present a theoretical per- spective on collective group develop- ment. Collective Groups— A Theoretical Perspective Individuals participating in an ac- tivity are viewed as goal-directed ac- tors (Driver and Tocher 1974). The collective, then, may either function as a goal-directed unit that enhances the goal achievements of its mem- bers, or may rely on the skills and resources of an outside leader. Hare (1976) has recognized five character- istics which describe how a collective assortment of individuals develops into a group. The first condition is that there must be some interaction among the collection of individuals to be considered a group. For our purposes, interaction must be per- sonal and be sustained for longer than 1 day. Thus, collectives of re- creationists on nature walks or his- torical tours of short duration are not of interest. For the "longer" duration collectives, it is inconceivable that some development would not take place, even when there is strong reli- ance on the leader. Hare's other four characteristics are (Hare 1976:5): • The members share one or more motive or goal which determines the direction in which the group will move. • The members develop a set of norms, which set the 64 boundaries within which in- terpersonal relations may be established and activity car- ried on. • If interaction continues, a set of roles becomes stabilized and the new group becomes differentiated from other groups. • A network of interpersonal at- traction develops on the basis of the "likes" and "dislikes" of members for one another. To begin to consider how collec- tives develop norms, establish roles, and develop patterns of interper- sonal relations, we will use Parsons' theoretical perspective (Parsons 1960, Parsons et al. 1953, Parsons and Shils 1951). While Parsons' theory is usu- ally described as a structural /func- tionalist model, three recent critiques (Adriaansens 1980, Bourricaud 1981, Hamilton 1983) have shown that Par- sons' thought evolved away from functionalism to embrace an "inter- change-paradigm" (Adriaansens 1980:111). The interaction-paradigm is de- rived by cross-classifying two major continua of problems (fig. 1) that goal-directed action systems must confront (Effrat 1961). First, the ac- tion system must consider the boundary reference; meaning, is the problem primarily internal or is it pri- marily external? Internal problems are concerned with the interactions \. Action direction Boundary reference >v Instru- mental Consum- matory External (A) Adapta- tion (G) Goal attainment Internal (L) Latency (1) Integra- tion Figure 1.— Parsons' interaction paradigm. among actors. For example, are status and role based on universal qualities like age or sex, or on par- ticular qualities such as being the fa- ther or leader? External problems are concerned with how the action system interacts with the outside environment or other action systems. For example, how can the skills of members be adapted to the demands of the activ- ity and the setting so that progress can be made towards achieving a goal (e.g., climbing a mountain when there is competition with other climbing parties). Second, the action system must consider the structures and processes of action; that is, are they primarily oriented to instrumental activities or problems concerning the means that must be acquired and incorporated into the action system (e.g., technolo- gies and equipment that are available or required) or are they oriented towards consummatory activities di- rected to achieving ends (e.g., using and applying technologies and equipment)? The four analytical aspects of the action system are: A — Adaptation, G — Goa l-a t ta inm en t, I — In tegration, and L — Latency (pattern-maintenance and tension-management). Adapta- tion concerns how the action system manipulates aspects of the external environment or reacts to other action systems to generate skills and re- sources {instrumental) for internal use and distribution. The problem of ad- aptation recognizes that action sys- tems do not exist in isolation from the outside environment or other systems. Leisure collectives then must develop means of coming to terms with the recreation setting and other leisure collectives or groups. Needs or goals are those desirable attributes external to the action sys- tem which motivate members to ex- pend effort and energy while utiliz- ing their skills and resources {con- summatory). Goal-attainment is most effective when members of collec- tives accept and conform to mecha- nisms of control which enhance the effectiveness of resource utilization in the pursuit of common goals. Inte- gration refers to the internal rules and processes which consume time and effort in coordinating activities and developing a sense of solidarity and belonging. All action systems exist in a cultural milieu {latency) which de- fines general system patterns {instru- mental) which each member ex- presses individually {internal). This results in two interlocking problems: pattern-maintenance, which refers to the cultural symbols, ideas, tastes, and judgments that form the code of action; and tension-management, which refers to the resolution of internal strains and tension that re- sults from individual differences in the values associated with the code. The AGIL scheme can be used to describe the stages a collective passes through if full development occurs. Hare (1982) describes a typical se- quence as L-A-I-G followed by a ter- minal L! phase. The initial problems collectives must solve are to establish an identity or purpose (L), and ac- quire skills and behaviors (A) neces- sary to pursue the activity. As skills are acquired, reorganization takes place as the collective becomes less dependent on the leader (I), and the skills are applied to achieve individ- ual and collective goals (G). When the activity ends and the collective group disbands, a terminal L! phase occurs during which the relation- ships between the members are rede- fined. The length and /or completion of each phase is determined by the direction or lack of direction given by the leader and the skills and emo- tional stability of the members. The process evolves or cycles in such a way that members can reconstitute relationships if changes occur or solve problems in the different inter- action areas (fig. 2). The potential for failure or conflict can be seen in each stage of development. For example, if equipment breaks or is inoperative (A), the collective may cycle back to establish a different purpose or iden- 65 tity (L) before moving on to a differ- ent set of individual and group goals. Hare (1982) shows how the major phases can cycle through the same sequence of subphases. For example, the selection of members for a de- manding expedition represents an L- phase component (Hare 1982). The subphases include the idea of mem- ber selection (LL), which may require special equipment and supplies (La) (e.g., tests and technical gear), and the creation of special role relation- ships (L.) to conduct the actual selec- tion (Lg). Leisure Collective Development In situations where collectives may be prevalent, such as river rec- reation, a theoretical perspective on collective development is needed to guide research and provide a basis for understanding the problems these action systems face and the processes used to solve them. The next section of this paper will present a qualitative analysis of collective development following the L-A-I-G sequence given by Hare (1982). Latency The latency problems a collective group faces in the process of devel- opment are internal and instrumen- tal. The potential members must as- sess the composition of the group and begin to determine what re- sources will be needed to accomplish the individual and collective goals. In commercially organized and pro- vided situations, the instrumental needs are provided by the guide or outfitter. In noncommercial situ- ations, some other source of equip- ment and supplies must be available. During this stage, the group at- tempts to establish an identity and recognize common values. In nature challenge/ adventure pursuits, guides, outfitters and livery opera- tors provide an initial basis for devel- oping a collective identity through company names, logos, and slogans. In the field, trip leaders, boatmen, and wranglers are usually respon- sible for pretrip presentations that establish important values for safety, sanitation, and "wilderness" ethics. The implications of the identity/ value process are twofold: (1) in pub- lic sector, wildland management managers need to recognize that the resource or agency is not likely to provide the symbols or the messages that are the bases for initial collective identity and value formation; and (2) while private operators are cognizant of the need to establish market iden- tity for their product, we can see how this can also provide a focus for ini- tial collective identity. Categorizing the other unknown members is important so that a sense A G ,'1 / I ' \ \ \ I \ V 1 / / L I . a. \ L-A-I-G LI Sequence shewing effects of changes LI -1! L! Li L! Sub-phases of collective development (adapted frcm Hare 1982:79) Figure 2.— Models of collective development. 66 of the range of values and skills available in the collective can be es- tablished. Because of the lack of ex- perience in working and dealing with one another, the abilities of others are difficult to estimate. The concept of "taste" (Cheek and Burch 1976) can be used to analyze situations where social bonds do not exist among interacting social persons. Taste, in the initial formation of collectives, is governed by cultural patterns. There- fore, assessment of others is based on apparent qualities with cultural value such as age, sex, and dress. The norms governing social persons in these situations are related to le- gitimacy and efficiency. Tastes which have strong cultural analogs will have greater legitimacy and prob- lems of interpersonal relations should be solved more efficiently. In those situations where certainties of taste are absent, transitional codes regulate interaction among members of collectives. These are norms grounded in myth which when legiti- mized by others become traditions. The carriers of myth and tradition would seem to be those more experi- enced in the activity (Bryan 1979), or the outfitter or guide in commercial recreation situations. Adaptation As the latency problems are solved, members can begin to solve external and instrumental problems concerning what is needed to achieve individual and collective goals. The collective begins working together so that skills and behaviors are acquired relative to the resources needed, and to the recreation activity and setting. Formality governs how members re- spond to one another, but enough is known about individual's skills for members to recognize and respond to the abilities of different actors. Recreation skills and behaviors can range from those that are highly technical (e.g., rock-climbing, glacier traverses, Whitewater-rafting) to those that are related to values and ethical systems (e.g., low-impact camping). While the trip leader is recognized because of his specific class, others with skills and experi- ence may be emerging during this phase whose significance to individ- ual and collective goal achievement results in specific classifications (e.g., cook, entertainer, nature specialist). The skill levels likely to be found in collectives have a high probability of considerable variation. For ex- ample, for whitewater-rafting Schreyer et al. (1984) found commer- cially outfitted trips to attract larger proportions of participants who had little or no previous experience in this activity. However, others with considerably more experience, par- ticularly those Schreyer et al. defined as collectors, were also found to use commercial outfitters. If experience is an accurate indicator of skill level, and if participation in any specific collective is essentially random, we should expect to find many outfitted, Whitewater raft parties made up of members who have a variety of dif- ferent skill levels. Thus, the central problem during this stage in collec- tive development is for those with no or low skills to acquire some, and for those with skills to adapt them to the needs of the collective. Integration Integration represents the transi- tion from solving the instrumental problems of latency and adaptation to solving consummatory problems, or how best to utilize the resources and skills available. The focus of this phase is internal and concerns the development of interpersonal rela- tions, defined by internal norms and roles, which build a collective iden- tity. That is, members have now cate- gorized one another based on their ascribed normative status and role(s) within the group. Status and role will have been acquired or assigned pri- marily during the adaptation phase. During the integration stage, iden- tity shifts from the generic (company names, logos, slogans) to the specific characteristics of the particular col- lective. That is, members have begun to recognize the uniqueness of the situation and the relationships that have developed to optimize collec- tive goal attainment. Thus, reorgani- zation may occur as the collective begins to realize its potential and be- comes less dependent on the nominal leader. This will require coordination and efforts to control the potential development of conflict. The more differentiated the make up of the col- lective the more complex solutions to these problems become. Evidence that collectives success- fully resolve the internal, consumma- tory problems of integration can be found in studies of river recreation. Heywood (1975) found consistently high cohesiveness in Grand Canyon Colorado River float-trip parties. Cohesiveness was defined as the at- tractiveness of the river party to its members as a group. High cohesive- ness is synonymous then with full integration of members in the group. The only situations where cohesive- ness was lower were for some small parties and for the largest parties. Data from the National River Recrea- tion Study (Lime 1983) provides fur- ther support for the integration of collectives but from a different per- spective. In a question about prob- lems experienced during the river trip, one item asked respondents about conflicts or tensions within their party. Of the respondents who took their trip in a party with some or all unknown others, 89% did not perceive conflicts or tensions within their party to be a problem. Thus, we found evidence for collective integra- tion from both a positive perspective (i.e., cohesiveness) and from a nega- tive perspective (i.e., internal party conflict and tension). An additional integrative process appears to be the collective facing of a challenge. Stone and Taves (1958) introduced the idea that the solidar- 67 ity of wilderness camping parties was fostered by the recognition of the struggle with nature. An impor- tant part of their argument was that the condition was only operative when the challenge was from with- out. Nature then was viewed as an adversary that the party had to struggle with to overcome. Goal Attainment An integrated, functioning collec- tive is able to apply its skills and re- sources to achieve individual and collective goals. This final stage in collective development focuses on solving external and consummatory problems. In recreation situations, environmental obstacles and hazards or other competing groups or collec- tives may constrain goal achieve- ment. The collective must success- fully overcome these external prob- lems by using the skills and re- sources at its disposal. The contests for problem solving have developed through the previous stages which defined collective norms and roles. These structural and normative char- acteristics can provide an efficient and effective way for each collective to achieve its recreational goals. Discussion Development of a theoretical per- spective on collective development provides an analytical tool which can serve either of two purposes (Turner and Maryanski 1979): (1) for com- parative analyses to identify univer- sal problems and the diverse ways people go about dealing with them; or (2) for holistic analyses to allow us to sort out important from unimpor- tant processes and structures. In a comparative analysis of col- lective development, we can ask what happens when interaction prob- lems are only partially solved or not solved at all. We can imagine three scenarios that characterize such situ- ations: (1) the collective completes the activity but has never become fully integrated; (2) some members leave the collective before the activity is completed; or (3) the collective does not complete the activity. In the first instance, all resources are avail- able to the collective, but it never de- velops a coherent structure or set of norms. For example, the river is suc- cessfully run, but the collective con- tributes little to the successful com- pletion of the activity. The most im- portant resource in these situations would be the leader (e.g., an outfit- ter, guide, or boatman). If the leader is strong and resourceful enough, do we need concern ourselves with the issue of collective development? This depends on the leader and the vari- ety of roles he/she attempts to play. Hare (1982: 137) illustrates some of the problems of role conflict that de- velop when the leader attempts to do all things for the collective. For ex- ample, the role of "family head" (in- tegration) requires closeness with collective members, while the role of "expedition founder" (pattern main- tenance) (e.g., river outfitter) requires distance from collective members. Thus, the leader would do better to foster the development of the collec- tive in order to reduce the difficulties for himself of being solely respon- sible for completing the activity. If resources are inadequate or are being inefficiently utilized, and /or the collective has not become inte- grated, members may decide to abandon the collective and forgo achieving the recreational goal. In this case, either external or internal problems may operate independently or in combination to force partial or complete dissolution of the collec- tive. External problems may be due to severe weather conditions, faulty or inadequate equipment, unantici- pated hazards, or other natural or technical conditions. Internal prob- lems can result from conflicts over roles, structures, and norms. As an extreme example, in the novel "Re- quiem for a River Rat" (Ekker 1986), a serious accident resulting in a death occurs in Crystal Rapid on a fictional raft trip on the Colorado River through Grand Canyon. A rela- tive to the accident victim leaves the trip before the collective continues on. This external event changes the collective composition and structure causing internal problems of pattern maintenance, which forces the collec- tive to adapt to a different social sys- tem and to struggle with problems of integration for several days of the trip. In a "real-life" situation such an extreme occurrence might result in the collective abandoning the activity altogether. A holistic analysis of collective development would focus on deline- ating those interaction problems that are most critical for collectives. Be- cause collectives lack any previous social history, we propose that the interaction problems of latency and integration are the most critical. Solv- ing these internally-oriented prob- lems is necessary for collectives to es- tablish processes and relations that integrate their members and estab- lish a collective identity. Thus, while the collective exists to pursue an ac- tivity (e.g., to run a river, climb a mountain, or trek through a wilder- ness), internal processes and struc- tures can enhance the collective abil- ity to optimize the potential for meet- ing individual and collective goals. Conclusion The development of a theoretical basis for understanding collectives suggests several research questions. First is how prevalent are collectives and are they more characteristic of certain recreation activities than oth- ers? A methodological problem that must be solved, to answer this first question, is in developing valid and reliable measures of group composi- tion (Hey wood 1984). A second ques- tion relates to how you operational- ize the different elements in the AGIL scheme in an applied research 68 situation. Hare (1976: 14) suggests operational definitions for the AGIL elements, but these would need con- siderable work to adapt them to rec- reation activity groups. A final comment is needed to ad- dress the issue of how useful under- standing collectives and their devel- opment is to wilderness managers and entrepreneurs. First, the pres- ence of collectives may be a charac- teristic of only certain wilderness ac- tivities and settings. For example, river recreation appears to be one activity where collectives predomi- nate. Managers of wilderness re- sources utilized by collectives could gain a better understanding of how the dynamics of these groups affects the members' recreation experiences. While managers may be doing a good job of providing appropriate re- source settings and opportunities for the activity, they probably have little or no control over group formation and development. They should un- derstand that these important ele- ments of the wilderness activity are largely outside their realm of influ- ence or control. Second, there appears to be a growing interest and involvement in challenge and risk activities that have fostered private, profit, and non- profit service enterprises specializing in guided and outfitted expeditions and trips. Owners and leaders could benefit by understanding the dynam- ics of how collectives develop struc- tures and resources to optimize goal attainment irrespective of company or leader efforts. Lastly, understand- ing the role of the leader in the col- lective development process can in- crease the effectiveness of the group in dealing with external threats and hazards. Literature Cited Adriaansens, H. P. M. 1980. Talcott Parsons and the conceptual di- lemma. Boston, MA: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Bourricaud, F. 1981. The sociology of Talcott Parsons. Chicago, IL: Uni- versity of Chicago Press. Bryan, H. 1979. Conflict in the great outdoors: toward understanding and managing for diverse sports- men preferences. Sociological Studies No. 4. Bureau of Public Administration, University of Ala- bama. Burch, W. R., Jr. 1969. The social circles of leisure: competing expla- nations. Journal of Leisure Re- search. 1: 125-147. Cheek, N. H., Jr.; Burch, W. R., Jr. 1976. The social organization of leisure in human society. New York, NY: Harper & Row. Driver, B. L.; Tocher, S. R. 1974. To- ward a behavioral interpretation of recreational engagements, with implications for planning. In: Driver, B. L., ed. Elements of out- door recreation planning. Ann Ar- bor, MI: University of Michigan Press. Effrat, A. 1961. Editor's introduction. Sociological Inquiry. 38: 97-104. Ekker, N. 1986. Requiem for a river rat. New York, NY: Dembner Books. Field, D. R.; O'Leary, J. T. 1973. So- cial groups as a basis for assessing involvement in selected water ac- tivities. Journal of Leisure Re- search. 5: 16-25. Hamilton, P. 1983. Talcott Parsons. London: Tavistock Pub. Hare, A. P. 1976. Handbook of small groups research, 2nd edition. New York, NY: The Free Press. Hare, A. P. 1982. Creativity in small groups. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications. Heywood, J. L. 1975. Group cohe- siveness and satisfaction on Grand Canyon Colorado River raft trips. Tucson, AZ: University of Ari- zona. Unpublished Ph.D. disserta- tion. Heywood, J. L. 1984. Toward a river recreation group typology. Pro- ceedings, 1984 national river rec- reation symposium. Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University. Lime, D. W. 1983. Personal commu- nication. National River Recrea- tion Study. St. Paul, MN: U.S. De- partment of Agriculture, Forest Service, North Central Forest Ex- periment Station. Parsons, T. 1960. Pattern variables re- visited: a response to Robert Du- bin. American Sociological Re- view. 25: 467-483. Parsons, T.; Bales, R. F.; Shils, E. A. 1953. Working papers in the the- ory of action. Glencoe, IL: The Free Press. Parsons, T.; Shils, E. A. 1951. Toward a general theory of action. New York, NY: Harper & Row. Schreyer, R.; Lime, D. W.; Williams, D. R. 1984. Characterizing the in- fluence of past experience on rec- reation behavior. Journal of Lei- sure Research. 16: 34-50. Stone, G. P.; Taves, M. J. 1958. Camp- ing in the wilderness. In: Larrabee, E. ; Meyersohn, R., eds. Mass Lei- sure. Glencoe, IL: The Free Press. Turner, J. H.; Maryanski, A. 1979. Functionalism. Menlo Park, CA: Benjamin/Cummings Pub. Co. 69 f Observations of the Effects of Human Social Behavior in Varied Wilderness Settings^ Gary C.\wakefield and RudijRudibaugh1 Abstract.— It is the intent of this paper to report on some of the complex social behavior patterns that can evolve in a wilderness setting. It was recognized early that task assignments were critical in assuring group members treated each other with respect. It was also noted that the size of the groups had a direct bearing upon their social structure. Large groups tended to break into "cliques" which competed with each other for status. The tension between members of the cliques escalated with time. There is evidence to suggest the high levels of tension created were transmitted to saddle and pack stock. Positive social impacts were observed on group members with low self-esteem. The basis for this paper was a se- ries of wilderness horseback pack trips sponsored by Slippery Rock University of Pennsylvania, which took place during July and August over a 5-year period. The concept of these programs was to develop in the participants an appreciation for wil- derness through the process of ad- venture education. " Adventure edu- cation is merely an extension of a long tradition of ancillary activities... which provide a sense of physical challenge and perceived risk to influ- ence the total development of the in- dividual" (Mand 1985). The wilderness trips took place in the West Elk Wilderness on the Gun- nison National Forest and the La Garita Wilderness on the Rio Grande National Forest, Colorado. During these expeditions, we observed be- havior modification apparently brought about by the wilderness set- ting. Petrus et al. (1977) states, "In an intensive wilderness setting... struc- ture can be changed, roles become ambiguous, stress and anxiety come about more spontaneously, new nor- mative systems need to be estab- lished—This situation begets anxiety because of the uncertainty of status 'Wakefield is with the Parks and Recrea- tion/Environmental Education Department, Qlippery Rocky University of Pennsylvania^) and Rudibaugh is with the Fossil Ridge Guide Service. Parlin, CO. and roles, and enhances the possibil- ity of conformity within the group." Participants found themselves in an intensive wilderness setting for 7 days, which is longer than the norm. Stankey (1980) reported that 92% of visitors to the Desolation Wilderness stayed 5 days or less. Lucas (1985) also reported that the horseback visi- tor in the Bob Marshall Wilderness stayed an average of 6.3 days. This anxious atmosphere was fur- ther complicated by the coeduca- tional nature of the groups. Whereas, Lucas (1985) reported that only 30% of the visitors to the Bob Marshall Wilderness were females. Women made up 48% of the groups we led into the West Elk and La Garita wil- derness areas. Zeamer (1975) states, "A coeducational expedition is more likely to provide a situation in which students are encouraged to develop responsible attitudes and internal controls governing their behavior.. .it is expected that a coeducational pro- gram provides an opportunity for students to develop respect for one another's privacy." The average size of the expedi- tions led was 16, which again ex- ceeds the average party size of 4.7 in the Bob Marshall Wilderness, as re- ported by Lucas (1985). Only 24% of the parties visiting the Spanish Peaks Wilderness and 30% of those visiting the Desolation Wilderness exceeded 11 people (Stankey 1980). Procedures Members of each expedition re- ceived instruction on low-impact camping procedures, horsemanship, and expedition behavior. The low- impact procedures were rigidly en- forced and very successful despite the potential for significant impact by 16 people accompanied by an aver- age of 21 head of trail stock. Over half of those participating were classified as novices in their horsemanship skills. The trips were designed to provide the easiest rid- ing early in the journey with the more difficult terrain being traversed after the riders had become familiar with their mounts and polished their riding skills. Each student was re- sponsible for his horse and tack. Each expedition was divided into four "task groups." These groups had rotating responsibility for cook- ing, clean-up and latrine, firewood, and assisting with the pack stock. We found it beneficial to rotate these functions during the trips in order to enhance the learning experience and reduce the possibility of friction as one group might feel that it had a harder task than another group. Generally, an average of 70 miles was covered during the 7-day expe- ditions. Only one site was used for 2 nights. This not only reduced impact, but provided a variety of scenic ex- periences each day. 70 Observations Both positive and negative social behavior was observed on the expe- ditions. The smaller groups were more homogeneous and derived a higher level of satisfaction from their wilderness experience. However, any factor which differentiated between members of the expedition often served as a source of conflict. In the early trips, members were permitted to choose a credit-earning opportu- nity. Those doing so were assigned extra duties which became a source of friction as they felt they were sub- servient to the noncredit participants. Later, expeditions permitted only credit-earning students to partici- pate. Experienced members of the groups often assisted in the learning experience by helping others with less experience. Most inexperienced participants welcomed this assis- tance. Occasionally, a student might resist the intrusion of his/her pri- vacy, and become uncooperative. This behavior was more prevalent with married couples than with singles. Once, a woman refused the assistance of her husband in saddling her horse. Several hours later she was embarrassed when the saddle slid off over the horse's neck. Cooperation was also necessary in discharging task group responsibili- ties. Sometimes a member of a task group might not do his/her share of work. Often this occurred because the member in question was not skilled in a particular task, such as cooking. If the student did not make an effort to help or learn, the task group resented his/her nonAin- volvement. If this behavior was re- peated by the member, the expedi- tion group as a whole would begin to reject him or her. This coincides with behavior reported by Petrus et al. (1977) who states, "If a group mem- ber does not conform and is labeled a deviant, a tremendous amount of conflict can ensue..." Conflict was not limited to task groups. As stated earlier, small groups worked well together; but as the expedition group became larger, the potential for conflict increased. The largest group was composed of 20 students. As their trip progressed, the group fractured and formed two well-defined "cliques." One clique was drawn together by prior ac- quaintance and mutual admiration. The second clique formed in re- sponse to the first as they were made to feel that they were not part of the "in" group. This was accomplished by the first clique adopting a name for itself and establishing an exclu- sive sleeping area each night. Each of the two cliques had six to seven members. The remaining members of the expedition formed a loosely or- ganized third clique for mutual sup- port. The formation of these cliques began the first day of the expedition, but went undetected until the third day when the tension being gener- ated became apparent to the leaders. Attempts were made to diffuse the tension with organized campfire talks. These efforts met with limited success, and the polarization of the cliques continued. As the rift deep- ened, clique members would ignore others and engage in juvenile behav- ior. This included "in" jokes, criti- cism of everyone and everything, or any behavior which would help de- fine their exclusivity. This fracture and resulting tension completely de- stroyed the working atmosphere of the task groups, as well as the expe- dition in general. By the final day of the trip, open hostility was evident. Moreover, there is evidence to suggest that the tension was trans- ferred to the saddle and pack stock. In 16 years of outfitting experience with hunters and nonhunters, the outfitter had never had a client in- volved in an accident with one of his animals. On this expedition, there were no less than six incidents in- volving six different animals result- ing in minor injuries to the students. In one case, a horse laid down and rolled on the rider as they were crossing a beaver pond. In another incident, a different animal threw the rider while we were preparing to de- part one of the campsites. On differ- ent occasions, some horses became agitated when tied and would exhibit violent behavior until they threw themselves to the ground. The ani- mals involved had been used many times before and were considered dependable and trustworthy. The animals were well trained and had never exhibited such behavior. Fur- thermore, these same animals have not repeated this behavior pattern since that time. This extreme level of tension created by the fracturing of the group lead us to suspect that the animals were sensitive to the tension and reacted to it. For the most part, the experiences were positive and the students who participated gained a trust in the ca- pabilities of the trail stock. Some members were afraid of heights. Cer- tain trails required the negotiation of sections which did nothing to dispel this fear. It was at such times that the students learned to trust the mounts. Some even rode with their eyes closed. One participant, Bob Crayne, said, "About the horses.. they are ab- solute professionals at what they do..." Members also learned to trust other members of the expedition. Once a teenage participant, afflicted with arthritis, was asked by the oth- ers to explain the deformity of his hands. The level of trust and under- standing that had been established enabled him to do so without embar- rassment. Immediately upon finish- ing his explanation, he felt relieved and accepted. Finally, the self-esteem of most participants was significantly im- proved. This was in large part due to their overcoming challenges they perceived as high risk. The challenge of the climate with its altitude and capacity to generate severe storms; the challenges of the terrain which was rugged and unforgiving; and the challenge of mastering the skills of 71 horsemanship. As the students over- came these challenges, their self-es- teem grew. In the words of another participant, Bill Hotchkiss, "The en- tire trip was a tremendous life expe- rience for all of us... the wilderness forced us to become a tight knit group... as most members had not even met each other prior to this trip../, Conclusion The positive effects of the wilder- ness experience on human behavior have been well documented. It was the intent of this paper to report on some of the complex social behavior that can evolve in a wilderness set- ting. Negative and positive social be- havior have been observed. It was recognized that task assignment is critical in assuring group members treated each other with respect. It was also noted that the size of the expeditions had a direct bearing upon their social structure. Large groups tended to break into cliques which competed with each other for status. The tension generated esca- lated with time and may have been transferred to the trail stock. In addition, positive social impacts were observed on group members with low self-esteem. The wilderness experience provided them with an opportunity to deal with others as an equal, and to perform activities that were perceived as high risk. The con- fidence gained was reflected in their improved self-images. Mand, C. C. 1985. Risk recreation in higher education. Trends. 22(3): 43-44. Petrus, E. F. et al. 1977. Teaching group dynamics in an intensive small group laboratory in a wil- derness setting. Annual Meeting of the Southwestern Social Science Association; Dallas, TX: 4-6. Stankey, G. H. 1980. A comparison of carrying capacity perceptions among visitors to two wilder- nesses. Res. Pap. INT-242. Ogden, UT: U.S. Department of Agricul- ture, Forest Service, Intermountain Forest and Range Experiment Sta- tion: 5, 24-25. Zeamer, S. 1975. Developing guide- lines for a college coeducational wilderness program. Slippery Rock University: 38-39. M.S. the- sis. Literature Cited Lucas, R. C. 1985. Visitor characteris- tics, attitudes, and use patterns in the Bob Marshall wilderness com- plex, 1970-82. Res. Pap. INT-345. Ogden, UT: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Inter- mountain Forest and Range Ex- periment Station: 6-7, 16. 72 Wilderness Privacy Types: How Important Can They Be?„ Carlljjjjmmel and Lindc(Donovan1 Abstract.— The primary purpose of the study was to derive summative scales which assess types of wilderness privacy in terms of satisfaction. Through factor analysis four scales, which consisted of items with segments referring to wilderness settings and activities, were derived— Lit eral Solitude (the physical state of one's being alone), Shared-Solitude (the individual's feeling of being along while with special others), Intimacy (a small group's privacy away from others), and Not-Neighboring (the individual's dissatisfaction with encounters and interactions by strangers). Literal Solitude, Shared-Solitude, and Intimacy tended to be rated relatively favorably; whereas, Not-Neighboring was not. Privacy, in general, and solitude, in particular, have been acknowl- edged by some authorities as desir- able states in themselves and as lead- ing to benefits for the individual (e.g., Airman 1974, Margulis 1974, Westin 1967). For example, Suedfeld (1982), in his chapter "Aloneness as a Healing Experience," concluded from existent evidence that aloneness (Literal Solitude) counters everyday sensory overloads, and it leads to achieving a transcendent identity and, ironically, to countering loneli- ness. However, he acknowledged that most people and some psycholo- gists assume that being alone is an undesirable state, and scientific re- search on the positive effects of soli- tude is in the fledgling stage. Attempts have been made to spec- ify various types of privacy in every- day settings. The most widely cited approach is Westin's (1967) theoreti- cal typology which contains four pri- vacy types — Solitude (Literal Solitude), Intimacy (a small group's privacy away from others), Anonym- ity, and Reserve. Through factor analysis Marshall (1974) and Ped- ersen (1979) subsequently did derive these four privacy types plus Not- Neighboring (including negative atti- tudes toward people "dropping in" to one's home: Marshall 1974), Seclu- sion (visual and auditory seclusion of 'Department of Psychology, ({Jnivetsity of Arkansas at Little Rock, Little Rock, ARy. the home: Marshall 1974), and Isola- tion (Pedersen 1979). With regard to the functions or benefits of privacy, a recurrent theme in the scientific literature is that pri- vacy provides, among other things, various cognitive/ identity benefits. These benefits include the following: Cognitive Freedom (Hammitt 1982a, 1982b), Self-Evaluation (Altman 1974, 1975; Hammitt 1982b; Westin 1967), Personal Autonomy (Hammitt 1982b, Hammitt and Brown 1984, Westin 1967), Self-Identity (Altman 1974, 1975; Suedfeld 1982), Emotional Re- lease (Hammitt and Brown 1984, Westin 1967), and Reflective Thought (Hammitt and Brown 1984). Reflective thought may well be a valuable but scarce activity for most people in everyday environments. In his "model of person-environment compatibility" which focuses on in- formation processes, Kaplan (1983) asserted that human beings have a built-in bias against reflection/ con- templation; and, it receives the low- est priority when compared to the model's other cognitive processes of environmental perception, purposive action and inclination, and especially required action. Moreover, reflec- tion/contemplation was described as particularly susceptible to common everyday distractions such as noise, people, and urban sensory overload. We infer that these distractions are more likely to be present in non-pri- vacy situations (cf., Suedfeld 1982). Because of the resultant infre- quency of reflection /contemplation in everyday life, Kaplan (1983) main- tained that its positive outcomes are often denied to the individual. The positive outcomes include consider- ing one's past and anticipating the future, integration of long-range goals, and self-examination. Kaplan (1983) advocated individu- als spending time in restorative envi- ronments in order to be able to com- bat the presence of distractions upon their return. Restorative environ- ments are intrinsically enjoyable, give one a sense of being away, pro- vide a change of scenery, and are a respite from distractions. Wilderness was specified as a restorative envi- ronment of "remarkable compatibil- ity" (Kaplan 1983:326) which had been found to be conducive to high levels of contemplation and tranquil- ity for groups of backpackers who stayed in the wilderness for at least 9 days on trips organized by research- ers (Kaplan and Talbot 1983). In the final phase of their 10-year research program Talbot and Kaplan (1986) found that the solo (i.e., Literal Solitude) part of the wilderness expe- rience was rated by the backpackers as having been one of the most enjoy- able and, yet, most difficult parts of the wilderness trip. Analyses of sub- jects' journal entries revealed that the trip resulted in enhanced perceptions of the environment which, in turn, led to increased self-knowledge. 73 Also, the trip induced greater feel- ings of oneness with the environment (cf., Brown 1984). These outcomes echo cognitive/ identity functions of privacy deline- ated above. We believe that the out- comes of the wilderness trip may have been caused at least in part by the Literal Solitude afforded by the solo, and the ratings of the solo might have been based on the re- warding but arduous process of self- examination. Findings in surveys using wilder- ness backpackers (e.g., Haas et al. 1980, Hendee et al. 1978) and an ex- periment using simulated-wilderness subjects (Riesenberg 1982) seem to corroborate generally the contentions of Kaplan (1983) and the findings of his research team (Kaplan and Talbot 1983, Talbot and Kaplan 1986) with regard to the value of solitude and its tuned-into-nature/tuned-into-self benefits (see Hummel and Miller, in press, for extensive literature re- view). However, there is often a lack of applications of theory in the con- ceptualizations and measurement techniques employed (Heberlein 1973). We have found, indeed, slip- page and ambiguities in most of the surveys with regard to key concepts such as solitude and especially inade- quacies in multi-item scales intended to measure a given privacy type — if multi-item scales were used at all (Hummel and Miller, in press). In an off-site survey of college stu- dents who were wilderness campers, Hammitt (1982a, 1982b) did base his research on an information process- ing theory and Westin's (1967) theory and typology. The single item "how important is solitude to your wilder- ness experience?" (Hammitt 1982a) elicited a mean response of "very important." Also, Hammitt (1982a, 1982b) derived (multi-item) factors including Intimacy (a type of pri- vacy) and Cognitive Freedom, and each received ratings on the "impor- tant" half of the response continuum. But he didn't obtain a Solitude factor from his items which conceptualized solitude as being essentially isolation. In this simulation-survey our pri- mary goal was the development and refinement, through factor analysis, of multi-item scales to measure types of wilderness privacy. We further tested Hammitf s (1982a, 1982b) Inti- macy factor, and we attempted to construct a (Literal) Solitude factor with items that did not usually refer to isolation which can have pejora- tive connotations (Hummel and Miller, in press). In addition, we attempted to con- struct a multi-item scale to measure what we have coined Shared-Solitude, which is the feeling of being alone while with special other(s) (Donovan and Hummel 1984). Other research- ers (Hammitt 1982a, 1982b; Marshall 1974) have used a few items which totally or in part refer to Shared-Soli- tude, but no Shared-Solitude scale evolved. For example, Marshall (1974) retained an item in her Soli- tude factor which she paraphrased as "...being along 'mentally/ with oth- ers present, but not intruding on one's thoughts..." Shared-solitude would seem to have cognitive/iden- tity components, and it could help to explain why wilderness campers typically travel in small groups but rate "Solitude" as desirable (e.g., Hendee et al. 1978). We also explored how satisfying each privacy type is relative to the others — as suggested by the ratings obtained from simulation subjects. A secondary goal of this study was to develop thought items and to provide preliminary evidence of the importance of thought experiences in the respective privacy types. We an- ticipated that thought experiences would be rated as satisfying in all the privacy situations posed, but not in a nonprivacy situation. Finally, we tested nonprivacy items primarily to try to counter de- mand confounding characteristics and to provide some evidence of the relative importance of the presence or absence of privacy in a given situ- ation posed. Method Subjects The respondents were 113 college students enrolled in undergraduate psychology courses at the University of Arkansas at Little Rock, an urban university. The median age was 22, the median year-in-college was jun- ior, and the sample consisted of 65% females and 35% males. Except for sex, these demographics fall nicely within the ranges of the typical wil- derness camper (Hendee et al. 1968, Hendee et al. 1978). Subjects were volunteers who earned extra credit by completing the questionnaire in class. The topics of privacy and wilderness experiences had not been discussed in the courses, the purposes of the research were not stated, and the average sub- ject had had a moderate amount of experiences in other outdoor recrea- tion activities and limited backcoun- try backpacking experiences (cf ., Hammitt 1982a, 1982b; Hammitt and Brown 1984). Materials and Procedure At the top of the questionnaire the subject was asked to imagine the fol- lowing event as vividly as possible: You go on a backpacking trip with four companions (friends and /or family) in your group, and you stay for 6 days. Your group hikes and camps in a remote area in nature which is preserved in its natural state and in which no modern con- veniences or motorized ve- hicles are permitted (cf., Rie- senberg simulation 1982). The specification of 4 companions and a stay of 6 days were intended to represent a typical wilderness experi- ence, as derived from previous re- search findings (Donovan and Hum- mel 1984), and as generally described by Hendee etal. (1978). 74 The questionnaire consisted of a total of 40 items. Eleven of the items assessed demographics and fre- quency of participation in outdoor recreation activities. The remaining 29 items were each intended to as- sess reactions to either one of three privacy types (Solitude, Shared-Soli- tude, and Intimacy) or Non-Privacy, or Crowding (table 1). Most of the items were newly constructed items by our research team, but others Table I. -Mean ratings on privacy, non-privacy, and crowding Individual items. 1 . Getting away from other peopfe : 5.41 2. Doing things with my companions 5.90 3. Feeling atone and by myself 3 18 A. Seeing other people in . the area besides my companions 5- Being near considerate people besides my companions 5.36 6. ' Feeling solitude 4.77 7. Being alone without having W: my companions or anyone . else nearby . 4 42 8. Privacy from most people, yet a personal relationsnip with my companions 5 30 9. M opportunJty to socialize with my companions without being interrupted by ethers 5 79 'OA small, intimate group experience, isolated from all ether groups 5.52 U , Being able to limit my is : attention to only a few- chosen people 5,18 '■■2. Freedom to choose when and to what extent I have to speak and Interact with anybody else . : 5,59 13, Being isolated without having my companions or : anyone else nearby 3 57 14, Doing things alone without - having my companions or anyone else nearby 418 15, Sitting with my companions at our campflre but with . each of us being alone mentally 4 -jg '6. Having social interactions at my campfire with peopfe from outside my group that appear 4 44 1.18 , 4,10 l.ie '.05 5.55 1.14 1.54 3.31 ; 1 34 4,08 1,40 4.14 ] 23 1 76 4.55 1 .38 1.63 4.29 1 3ft 1 7 . Having social Interactions! : at our campflre with my companions; 599 1 8. Sifting alone at my campflre without having my . companions or anyone : else nearby 4.1s 19, Hiking with my companions ■ out with each of us being Si! alone mentally . 20, Having social interactions an the trail with hikers • 172 377 1,33 5,38 1 24 1 J 7 \65 1.48 5,30 4.89 4.83 5.25 3.31 3,79 1.13 136 147 J 39 1.48 1,32 1 -84 3.63 1 ,59 T-32 3,91 1 27 that appear ;||§|i Having socio) interactions §ff|§ on the t'dlwifn my 7 mi : companions 7 :i:22. Hiking clone without having my companions or . anyone else nearby 23. Feeling crowded by other people at the campsite ■ ■ 24. Feeling crowded by other people on the troll :. 25. Sifting wi*h my companions S : : at ou' campflre but with 1 each of us having his/her : . • own private thoughts 26,-Sifttng at my campfire with people from outside my group that appear and sharing each other's own deep thoughts 27.. Sitting with. my companions at our campfire and • • sharing each other's own deep thoughts 28 Sitting alone at my campflre without having my companions or anyone else nearby and having my own deep thoughts 29. Camping out of sight of other groups when Impossible 5.89 4.02 1.05 1.68 1.63 1.27 U1 ' 1.81 1.20 til 5 58 1.22 3.49 1.44 3.74 1.58 ;:; :c ^4 HI 3.35 3.18 3.81 5.60 5.11 5.39 1.42 1.64 : Greatly detract 4.55 141 4.12 1.26 3.15 1.45 1,46 4.19 1,43 1 ,74 faction. 4 = Neither add to nor my satisfaction, 7= Greatly add to my satisfaction. w 75 were modifications of items from other research (Donovan and Hum- mel 1984; Hammitt 1982a, 1982b; Haas et al. 1980; Marshall 1974). All respondents completed the questionnaire in the classroom, and the responses were anonymous. For the first 29 items listed two responses were required. One rated the fre- quency-expectation for the item; the other rated how the item would de- tract from or add to satisfaction in the simulated wilderness experience. The use of two response continua of these general types is in keeping with the procedure of Rossman and Ulehla (1977). However, the satisfac- tion scale was substituted for an im- portance scale for clarity and to avoid confusion. Otherwise, an item could elicit a "high importance" rat- ing either because it described some- thing desirable or because it de- scribed something undesirable which would be important assuming it hap- pened or if it warranted avoidance behavior. Data were submitted to the Princi- pal Factor, Promax Rotation analysis in the SAS computer package (1985). Factor analyses were performed separately for frequency-expectancy response ratings and satisfaction rat- ings. Consistent with standards es- tablished in previous privacy re- search (Hammitt 1982a, 1982b; Ham- mitt and Brown 1984; Marshall 1974), factor loadings had to be greater than or equal to 0.40 for items to be re- tained in a factor; and, only factors with eigenvalues greater than or equal to 1.00 and with more than two surviving items were retained. Factors obtained for the satisfac- tion response criterion are empha- sized below primarily because satis- faction ratings are more comparable to criteria used in previous research such as the importance criterion used in wilderness and recreation research (Hammitt 1982a, 1982b; Hammitt and Brown 1984; Rossman and Ulehla 1977). Results Individual Items Table 1 shows that the obtained mean ratings for single items range from considerable dissatisfaction and relative infrequency-expectation for items specifying "feeling crowded..." (Item 23: M satis = 2.43, M freq-expec = 3.35; Item 24: M satis = 2.54, M freq-expec = 3.18) to high respective ratings for items specifying activities, such as "social interactions" with companions (e.g., Item 17: M satis = 5.99, M freq-expec = 5.58; Item 21: M satis = 5.89, M freq-expec = 5.64). With regard to items specifying "private thoughts" or "deep thoughts" (i.e., thought items), those which refer to privacy types each appear in table 1 to have elicited mean ratings on the add-to-satisfac- tion and frequent halves of the re- sponse continua (Item 25 shared- solitude: M satis = 4.55, M freq-expec = 4.12; Item 27 intimacy: M satis = 5.60, M freq-expec = 4.95; Item 28 alone: M satis = 5.11, M freq-expec = 4.19). In contrast, the non-privacy item referring to "people from out- side my group" appears to have elic- ited mean ratings on the detract- from-satisfaction and infrequent halves of the response continua (Item 26 non-privacy: M satis = 3.81, M freq-expec = 3.15). Factors and Factor Items Literal Solitude Factor. — As indi- cated in table 2, the five items which constitute this factor all specify that the individual is literally alone in physical space. Items 7 and 13 are merely designations of the physical states of being alone and being iso- lated respectively; whereas, the re- maining three items contain refer- ences to the general activities called doing things (Item 14), sitting at the campfire (Item 18), and hiking (Item 22). The Factor Mean (M satis = 4.07) appears to be negligibly above the neutral midpoint (4.0) of the satisfac- tion response continuum. Intimacy Factor. — This factor also consists of five items (see table 2). In the first four items it is explicitly stated that companions are present, and the following aspects of privacy are specified: privacy from most other people (Item 8), freedom from interruptions (Item 9), isolation from strangers (Item 10), and freedom from attention (Item 11). Item 29 is "camping out of sight of other groups when possible." The Intimacy factor has the highest Factor Mean (M satis = 5.53) of all derived factors. Shared-Solitude Factor. — Only three items constitute this factor. Each item has the physical presence of companions stipulated, but psy- chological aloneness is variously al- luded to as being alone mentally (Items 15 and 19) and having private thoughts (Item 25). The Factor Mean for Shared-Solitude (M satis = 4.26) appears to be on the add-to-satisfac- tion half of the response continuum, but, as shown in table 2, statistically it is not significantly different from the Factor Mean for Literal Solitude (f(112) = 1.43, p < .20, two-tailed). Not-Neighboring Factor. — This factor is composed of five items, and all of them were reverse-scored in order to determine the privacy factor name and to calculate the Factor Mean (table 2). When reverse-scored, the responses indicated how satisfy- ing the following were rated: not see- ing other people in the area (Item 4), not being near considerate strangers (Item 5), not having interactions with people from outside the subject's group at the campfire (Item 16) and on the trail (Item 20), and, appar- ently, not having freedom to choose to interact with anybody else (Item 12). The Factor Mean is the lowest (M satis = 3.17) of all four factors. Discussion Our primary goal of deriving three summative scales to assess wil- 76 r Table 2. —Privacy factors derived from satisfaction ratings. ft Factor and factor items Factor loadings intimacy 8. Privacy from most people, yet a personal relationship with my companions 9. An opportunity to socialize with my : companions without being interrupted by others 10. A small, intimate groups experience isolated from ail other groups 11 Being able to limit my attention to only a few chosen: people 29, Camping out of sight of other groups when possible Shared-Solitude 15; Sitting with my companions at our camptlre but with each of us being alone menfdiy 19. Hiking with my companions but with each of us being alone mentally . 25. Sitting with my companions at our camp- fire but with each of us having his/ her own private thoughts Not-Neighboringn 4, Seeing other people in the area besides my companions ►siaes Being near considerate people my companions Freedom to choose when and to what extent ] have to speak and interact with anybody else Raving social interactions at my campfire with people from outside my group that appear 20. Having social interactions on the trail with hikers from outside my group that appear 0J4 0.73 076 0 74 0.62 0.53 0.55 0.64 0.66 0.61 12 16. 072 0.65 0.75 0.65 0.64 0.41 0.51 0.58 Factor mean0 Literal solitude 7, Being alone without having my companions or anyone else nearby 13. Being isolated without having my companions or anyone else nearby 14. Doing things alone without having my companions or anyone else nearby ^ 18. Sitting atone at my campfire without having my companions or anyone else nearby 22. Hiking alone without having my companions or anyone else nearby 4.07, 5^53 4.26, ::&-.17; °Mean separation within column by t( 112), p < .00 /, two tailed. Fad or means with the subscript ' J " are not statistically significant. °Mean for Not-Neighboring is reverse-scored. derness privacy types was achieved and surpassed in this study. As we anticipated factors were obtained for Literal Solitude, our concept Shared- Solitude, and Intimacy (see table 2). Though not predicted, a Not-Neigh- boring factor was also derived in our study, as Marshall (1974) had ob- tained as an everyday-environment privacy type. However, Not-Neigh- boring is the only factor in our re- search which has a Factor Mean (M satis = 3.17) indicating that it would detract from satisfaction in the simu- lated wilderness experience posed in the brief written scenario. In contrast, the other three factors received ratings indicating that each, at the very least, would not detract from satisfaction. Intimacy was rated as contributing substantially to satis- faction (M satis = 5.53) and as occur- ring quite frequently (M freq-expec = 5.10). The high ratings for Intimacy are essentially replications of impor- tance ratings of Intimacy obtained in previous research with respondents who had had considerable backpack- ing experiences (e.g., Hammitt 1982a, 1982b). Literal Solitude (M satis = 4.07) and Shared-Solitude (M satis = 4.26) were not rated as very satisfying in themselves by our subjects; Literal Solitude (M freq-expec = 3.52) and Shared-Solitude (M freq-expec = 3.83) were rated as occurring some- what less frequently than sometimes (4.00). The relatively low satisfaction ratings for Literal Solitude per se do not echo Hammitt's (1982a, 1982b) finding obtained with a single gen- eral item which did specify solitude, but the relatively low satisfaction rat- ings tend to substantiate Suedfeld's (1982) contention that most people assume that being alone is an unde- sirable state — at least when isolation is included as it turned out to be (Item 13) in our Literal Solitude fac- tor (table 2). Perhaps the brief written scenario we used was not effective with re- gard to inducing the feeling of soli- tude one achieves when in a real wil- 77 derness, or perhaps the low-fre- quency ratings Literal Solitude re- ceived influenced its satisfaction rat- ings. Yet another possibility, as Ham- mitt (1982a, 1982b) observed, is that the word solitude has positive surplus meaning to experienced backpackers such as his respondents. The findings on thought items in our study are encouraging with re- gard to people's acknowledging po- tential benefits of Literal Solitude, Shared-Solitude, and Intimacy in wil- derness. As we had anticipated hav- ing deep/private thoughts while in a state of privacy was rated consis- tently as quite satisfying (Literal Solitude: M satis = 5.10, Shared- Solitude: M satis = 4.55, Intimacy: M satis = 5.60). In addition, having such thoughts while in a state of privacy was consistently rated as occurring more frequently than sometimes (Lit- eral Solitude: M freq-expec = 4.19, Shared-Solitude: M freq-expec = 4.12, Intimacy: M freq-expec = 4.95). These findings are particularly impressive when contrasted with the low ratings obtained for the similarly worded but non-privacy Item 26 (M satis = 3.81, M freq-expec = 3.15). Thus it appears that a privacy context is im- portant, and the relative ratings were not elicited by the mere mentioning of thought outcomes (Kaplan 1983). In future research we will attempt to derive a Seclusion factor as well. Although "camping out of sight of other groups when possible" (Item 29) fell within the Intimacy factor de- rived in our present study, it has se- clusion connotations (cf., Marshall 1974); and it elicited rather high satis- faction (M satis = 5.39) and frequency (M freq-expec = 5.11) ratings. Thus it appears that seclusion in itself might be a very desirable component of simulated and real wilderness expe- riences. We also plan to refine and expand each factor obtained in this study, and we hope that each resultant fac- tor will consist of an equal number of direct-scored and reverse-scored items. New items will be tested which systematically pose viewing scenery, being a part of nature, and self-examination (cf., Hammitt 1982a, 1982b; Talbot and Kaplan 1986) di- rectly within the contexts of privacy types and non-privacy. We anticipate that, when such activities are coupled with Literal Solitude or Shared-Solitude, the satisfaction and frequency ratings will be the highest (cfv Kaplan 1983, Riesenberg 1982, Suedfeld 1982). Final suggestions for future re- search include the use of experimen- tal designs so that causal inferences are justified, the construction of more detailed wilderness simulations through the use of scaled videotapes and audiotapes, and the systematic testing of possible associations be- tween separate wilderness privacy/ non-privacy types and separate bene- fits. Subject samples will be ex- panded to include more experienced wilderness subjects on-site and off- site, and long-term benefits will also be explored. We anticipate that such future re- search by us and hopefully others will lead to findings for simulation subjects and real wilderness subjects which echo the benefits of Literal Solitude (and other privacy types) which Olson (1976) described in the following personal account of wilder- ness privacy benefits: I have had my share of soli- tude and know whereof I speak. It is beautiful to me, for it brings back perspective and the sense of timelessness. I come back to the friends I have left, stronger, better, and happier.. .My thoughts run more smoothly than before; my perceptions and under- standing of life's problems more uncluttered after the cleansing powers of solitude. Acknowledgements The authors gratefully acknowl- edge the assistance of Roger Webb, PhD.; Linda Miller, PhD.; LeAnn Whiteside, and Clayton Wortham in the computer analysis of the data. Literature Cited Airman, 1. 1974. Privacy: a concep- tual analysis. In: Carson, D. H., ed. Man-environment interactions: evaluations and applications: part II. Stroudsburg, PA: Dowden, Hutchinson, and Ross. Airman, 1. 1975. The environment and social behavior: Privacy, per- sonal space, territory, and crowd- ing. Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole Publishing Company. Brown, M. (1984). Wilderness vision quest. In: Martin, V.; Inglis, M., eds. Wilderness: the way ahead: proceedings of the Third World Wilderness Congress. Middleton, WI: Lorian Press: 213-218. Donovan, L.; Hummel, C. 1984. The valuing and benefits of wilderness privacy. Symposium conducted at the meeting of the Arkansas Socio- logical Association; Hot Springs, AR. Haas, G. E.; Driver, B. L.; Brown, J. 1980. Measuring wilderness rec- reation experiences. In: Cannon, L. K., ed. Proceedings, Wilderness psychology group annual confer- ence. Durham, NH: University of New Hampshire: 20-40. Hammitt, W. E. 1982a. Cognitive di- mensions of wilderness solitude. Environment and Behavior. 14: 478-493. Hammitt, W. E. 1982b. Psychological dimensions and functions of wil- derness solitude. In: Boteler, F. E., ed. Proceedings, Third annual conference of the wilderness psy- chology group. Morgantown, WV: Division of Forestry, West Virginia University: 50-60. Hammitt, W. E.; Brown, G. F. 1984. Functions of privacy in wilderness environments. Leisure Sciences. 6: 151-166. Heberlein, T. 1973. Social psychologi- cal assumptions of user attitude 78 surveys: the case of the wilderness scale. Journal of Leisure Research. 5: 18-33. Hendee, J. C; Carton, W. R.; Marlow, L. D.; Brockman, C. F. 1968. Wil- derness users in the Pacific North- west: their characteristics, values, and management preferences Res. Pap. PNW-61. Portland, OR: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Forest and Range Experiment Station. Hendee, J. C; Stankey, G. H.; Lucas, R. C. 1978. Wilderness manage- ment. Washington, DC: U.S. De- partment of Agriculture, Forest Service. Hummel, C; Miller, J. [in press]. Conceptualization and measure- ment of wilderness privacy. In: Herrmann, R.; Bostedt-Craig, T., eds. Proceedings, of the confer- ence on science in the National Parks (Vol. 2). Washington, DC: U.S. National Park Service. Kaplan, S. 1983. A model of person- environment compatibility. Envi- ronment and Behavior. 15: 311- 332. Kaplan, S.; Talbot, J. F. 1983. Psycho- logical benefits of a wilderness ex- perience. In: Airman, I.; Wohlwill, J. F., eds. Behavior and the natural environment. New York: Plenum Press. Margulis, S. T. 1974. Privacy as a be- havioral phenomenon: coming of age. In: Carson, D. H., ed. Man- environment interactions: evalu- ations and applications, Part II. Stroudsburg, PA: Dowden, Hutch- inson and Ross: 101-123. Marshall, N. 1974. Dimensions of pri- vacy preferences. Multivariate Be- havior Research. 9: 255-271. Olson, S. F. 1976. Reflections from the north country. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Pedersen, D. M. 1979. Dimensions of privacy. Perceptual and Motor Skills. 48: 1291-1297. Riesenberg, R. D. 1982. Revitalizing the American spirit North Ameri- can style: a comparison of wilder- ness and city experience. In: Boteler, F. E., ed. Proceedings, Third annual conference of the wilderness psychology group. Morgantown, WV: Division of Forestry, West Virginia Univer- sity: 94-108. Rossman, B. B.; Ulehla, A. J. 1977. Psychological reward values asso- ciated with wilderness use: a func- tional-reinforcement approach. Environment and Behavior. 9: 41- 65. SAS Institute, Inc. 1985. SAS user's guide: Statistics, version 5 editor. Cary, NC: Author. Suedfeld, P. 1982. Aloneness as a healing experience. In: Peplau, L. A. Peplau; Perlman, D., eds. Lone- liness: a sourcebook of current the- ory, research, and therapy. New York: John Wiley: 54-67. Talbot, J. F.; Kaplan, S. 1986. Perspec- tives on wilderness: re-examining the value of extended wilderness experiences. Journal of Environ- mental Psychology. 6: 177-188. Westin, A. F. 1967. Privacy and free- dom. New York, NY: Atheneum. 79 Wilderness Perception Jonathan G.Claylor1 Abstract.— Subjective response to environment, a technique developed in environmental psychology, was applied to experience in both a wild area and an urban area. This technique for encouraging closer awareness of and contact with environment has significant therapeutic and personal-growth value. In addition, comparison of wild-area and urban-area responses provides new experience satisfaction categories that can then be empirically tested. Combining subjective response with more objective perception-testing strategies can help integrate the field of perception of environment/ perception of wilderness. Extensive research has been con- ducted over the past two decades on wilderness values and benefits. Shafer and Meitz (1969) reported on the importance of aesthetic and emo- tional experiences in overall satisfac- tion with wilderness environments. Rossman and Ulehla (1977) noted that enjoying the beauties of nature was extremely important to people and most likely to occur in wilder- ness settings, while Brown and Haas (1980) stressed the importance of the enjoyment of nature. All of these re- searchers have shown that socializa- tion is of little importance in wilder- ness experience. Although Klausner (1971) reported unique benefits re- sulting from social interactions in natural-areas, Feingold (1979) found the "social dimension" to be the same for both city and wilderness vacations. Stankey (1972) demon- strated that wilderness meets the need for solitude, and Driver (1972) that it relieves stress through escape from urban pressure. Both Gibson (1979) and Kaplan and Talbot (1983) have shown that wilderness experi- ence has lasting psychological bene- fits for the user. An important question in review- ing this important work on the value of wilderness and wilderness experi- ence to the human psyche is, "From whence are drawn the categories which have been tested among wil- 'Deportment of Geography and Recrea- tion.(University of Wyoming. Laramie^) derness users?" There is a real dan- ger here that research along this vein would potentially be upholding fa- vored hypotheses simply because the response categories are established by the researcher. Regarding the is- sue of what people seek when they go to wilderness areas, Kaplan and Talbot report on a few recent studies which "have sought to clarify such issues and to find some order among the many perceived characteristics of wilderness experience. Drawing on earlier studies for specific items, the more recent studies have included lists of a wide variety of purported values and have obtained ratings of the extent to which these reactions would characterize wilderness expe- rience..." (Kaplan and Talbot 1983:165). Problem Statement Research into how human beings perceive environments — the values and benefits various environmental settings hold for persons — has ad- vanced as a general field over the past two decades. However, this field remains somewhat incoherent, far short of being a unified discipline. Sell et al. (1984) reported perception- of-landscape research divided into four distinct traditions or paradigms, stemming from two separate drives: the need for applied perception-of- environment research, and the search for understanding of human-envi- ronment interaction. Each of these drives split into two distinct ap- proaches as illustrated in figure 1. The Expert approach relies on trained professional assessment of landscape quality. It is assumed that trained professionals are capable of objectively assessing those land- scapes, or attributes of landscapes, important to people and the pur- poses to which people wish to put those landscapes. There are two sub- components to this paradigm: the landscape architecture/fine arts base and the ecological /resource manage- ment base. Carlson (1977) made a strong statement in defense of the aesthetic Expert approach as the only reliable means of objectively assess- ing scenic quality. Leopold (1969) used a clear assumption that natural, unmodified ecosystems carry the highest aesthetic value in assessment of river basin scenic quality. The Psychophysical approach util- izes empirical testing of public re- sponse to environments. This ap- proach, with strong theoretical reli- ance on Gibson's work (1977) on "af- fordances," assumes that different perceptions of landscape quality and /or utilization are "afforded" by the environment as external stimu- lus. Peterson (1974) used the psy- chophysical research approach di- rectly to evaluate the quality of a wil- derness environment. The Cognitive approach, searching for the meaning of environments to humans, has several theoretical ante- 80 cedents and current directions. Ap- pleton (1975) proposed that humans, evolving as both hunting and hunted creatures, have developed an inher- ent preference for landscapes that provide both prospect (a point from which to see) and refuge (where one cannot readily be seen). Charles- worth's theory, that species recog- nize and prefer environments to which they are best adapted, has been carried forward into landscape perception research (R. Kaplan 1979; S. Kaplan 1975, 1979). The Experiential or Phenomenol- ogical approach deals with the na- ture of the human-environment inter- action from a process philosophy perspective, with that interaction it- self as the entity of study. This sets the experiential paradigm apart from the others where the human and the landscape are the primary entities for study. David Seamon (1962) is a principal proponent of this approach to understanding the meaning of hu- man-environment interaction. In a separate study, Daniel and Vining (1983) found the same diver- gence in environmental perception research, applying five categories (distinguishing between the biologi- cal- and design-expert approaches). These environmental perception re- search paradigms are applied in separate disciplines and the results published in separate journals. The resource management and landscape journals started in the 1960's, with almost exclusive reliance on the Ex- pert paradigm, but subsequently shifted more to the Psychophysical paradigm. Articles in the Cognitive paradigm come primarily from psy- chology, and the Psychophysical paradigm is also heavily used in psy- chology. Research into human use and satisfaction in recreation envi- ronments is almost exclusively Psy- chophysical. Almost all of the Experi- ential paradigm research on environ- mental perception is conducted and published by geographers. Thus, the approaches are not only theoretically disparate, but are physically sepa- rated into different academic and publishing traditions. Until this re- search is integrated, environmental perception will remain a scattering of related, but artificially separated, re- search (Zube et al. 1982). Objectives To fully understand human per- ception of a wilderness experience, we will have to begin integrating these research paradigms. As a first step toward this integration, we pro- pose first using in-depth, exploratory techniques from the experiential ap- proach, and then validate that under- standing with empirical testing tech- niques developed within the Psy- chophysical paradigm. Then it will be possible to develop theory as well as expertise in wilderness perception based on validated research. The re- search reported here was designed to probe whether wilderness experience elements, suitable for testing, could be determined through use of a phe- nomenological technique designed by Bechtel (1985) called "Subjective Response to Environment." It also provides a retrospective review of some of the categories used in prior perception-of-wilderness research. Are these proposed wilderness bene- fits and satisfactions substantiated by this probing of human experience? Method Bechtel has utilized "subjective response," from environmental psy- chology, as a direct means of investi- gating human-environment interac- tion. With this technique, subjects are brought closer to and become more consciously aware of a particular en- vironment, their interactions with that environment, and the psycho- logical stimuli triggered by interac- tion with that environment. "Subjec- tive response" is thus a tool bridging both the cognitive (meaning of envi- ronment) and experiential (human- environment interaction) research paradigms. To gain insight into the distinctive meaning of a wild-area environment, the research group wrote subjective responses to two environmental set- tings: a landscaped mall area in the middle of the University of Wyo- ming campus, and a forested canyon area (White Rock Canyon) on the expert evaluation Perception research Application empirical testing: Understanding meaning to the = person meaning of inter- action EXPERT PSYCHOPHYSICAL COGNITIVE EXPERIENTIAL Figure 1.— The development of landscape perception research paradigms. 81 northern end of the Snowy Range in southeastern Wyoming. The mall en- vironment is greatly softened by vegetation. Even in January and Feb- ruary, when these subjective re- sponses were written, the lawn base and surrounding evergreen vegeta- tion provide visual separation from the surrounding buildings and auto- mobile parking areas. The White Rock Canyon environment, although not a roadless wilderness, is quite isolated, especially in the winter when access is difficult at best. In- deed, some of the participants ques- tioned, enroute, whether this envi- ronment was accessible at all. The research group consisted of the professor and eight students in a Leisure Behavior/ Perception of Envi- ronment seminar. We do not offer this as a sample representative of the population at large, nor as a valid sample of wild-area users. However, the results of these respondents' sub- jective responses can and do show insight into human perception of wild areas. The contents of these sub- jective responses were then analyzed to find commonalties of response among respondents within a specific environmental setting. These shared responses were then compared be- tween the two settings to find what distinguished subjective responses to the wild, natural area from responses to the landscaped university mall. These elements and their compo- nents may be suitable for future em- pirical testing using psychophysical techniques. This is not an entirely new ap- proach to perception of wilderness research. It parallels somewhat work done in the 1970's by the Kaplans and their associates (see Kaplan and Talbot 1983). Participants in the Out- door Challenge program kept jour- nals of their wilderness experience and filled out self-administered sur- veys on their feelings in these set- tings at different points in time. Con- tent analysis of the journals has re- vealed a number of wilderness bene- fits quite similar to the results of our subjects' responses to the White Rock Canyon environment. Results When elements from the separate subjective responses were pooled and compared, many similarities among responses were apparent in a variety of categories. Certain ele- ments were observed by every one of the participants, although to varying degrees. As an overall result, the strongest response to the campus mall setting concerned observation of other people. In the wild area, re- sponses were concerned much more with self-awareness. Table 1 shows distinctive differences in viewpoints of the two test environments. Most accepted the mall, but in a more structured perspective. They consid- ered the man-made environment to represent nature whereas the White Rock Canyon setting was nature. This — combined with the strong responses to the wild area as peace- ful, tranquil, and expanding of atten- tion as opposed to responses to the mall as structured, controlled, re- quiring confined, focused attention — supports some of the work of Ra- chael Kaplan on voluntary attention. Kaplan (1977) suggests that natural environments, being environments to which humans are adapted, require no voluntary or forced attention and thus are psychologically more relax- ing than man-made environments. Many of the elements mentioned in the subjective responses can be grouped into the following catego- ries: sound, smell, setting, emotions, people, time, ambience, and aware- ness of the environment. Table 1 lists the variety of responses given within these categories. The results in this r Smells Setting •Emotions People time Ambience Snowy Mountain; Silence, snow voices (interfere) Crisp, pine, spicy Unstructured; ac- cepted as nature Peace, tranquility; noocontroffed; do things here; accep- tance; "fit" (niche) Isolation; contempla- tion; reEationship to serf and change Doesn't matter, re- stricted; past, reflec- - Peacefulness; seren- Ety Campus mall Bells, cars, dogs, people: feet, voices Pipe (disrupts) ex- hausts Structured; man-mode to represent nature; safety and danger Disturbances; con- trolled by others; do things elsewhere; re- bellion (mixed) Relationship to crowds; people watching Conscious; now,; pres- ent Busy; unconscious Awareness of envi- ronment Attention expanded Attention confined 82 table parallel findings of other re- searchers such as Kaplan and Talbot (1983) regarding wilderness percep- tion. A decade of research by the Kaplans and their co-workers has shown wilderness to be highly re- storative. Human motivations and priorities in wilderness include: (1) tranquility, peace, and silence; (2) self-integration and wholeness; and (3) integration with the environ- ment— oneness. Compare these re- sults with those in table 1: emo- tions— peace, tranquility; sound — silence; people — contemplation, rela- tionship to self and change; emo- tions— acceptance, "fit" into the envi- ronmental niche. A review of table 1 shows that this research also corroborates the work of Shafer and Meitz, Rossman and Ulehla, Brown and Haas, Stankey, and Driver reported earlier. Emo- tional and aesthetic experiences as well as enjoyment of nature are im- portant, and wilderness experiences provide solitude and relieve stress. Given this rather wide corroboration, has the subjective response exercise provided anything new? Conclusions First, it is critically important to point out the inherent therapeutic, personal growth nature of the subjec- tive response itself. Bechtel (1985) reports several patterns in our cul- ture whereby we ignore subjective responses to environments. Often, when we detect some anxiety -pro- voking stimulus in the environment, "we steer away from it without being aware that there has been a change in course." Further, we are trained in our education to be objective in our assessments of environment. Social sciences and design disciplines tell us "that what is important is the objec- tive, measurable stimuli that the en- vironment affords" (p. 2). "But the theory of subjective response would maintain, we go too far. We repress or put out of mind too many associa- tions that can enrich and make life so much more meaningful. Learning to do a subjective response is no more than learning to bring up those re- sponses which have been repressed out of habit.. .The release of energy and emotion is critical.. .it is a critical lesson in learning to tune into one's feelings... In short, the subjective re- sponse is learning better to enjoy life as a whole, learning not to suppress feelings that are a natural and com- pelling response to any environ- mental stimulus" (p. 5 and 8). Combining the therapeutic value of subjective response with the peaceful, tranquil, and self-contem- plative elements of wild areas pro- vides a highly effective means for relieving stress, achieving inner peace, improving communication skills both with oneself and with oth- ers, and gaining the broad spectrum of secondary personal and social benefits that stem from these. At the level of development of perception-of-wilderness knowledge and theory, there is also important information to be gained from this comparison of subjective response to both wild area and man-made envi- ronments. Ittelson (1973) provides guidance in theoretical development in perception of environment re- search by identifying a minimum set of considerations "which must be taken into account in any adequate study of environment perception re- search" (p. 12-15): 1. Environments surround — they permit movement and exploration and force the ob- server to become a partici- pant. 2. Environments are multimo- dal— they provide informa- tion that is received through multiple senses. 3. Environments provide pe- ripheral as well as central information... from outside as well as inside the focus of attention. 4. Environments provide more information than can be used — they can simultane- ously provide redundant, inadequate, ambiguous, con- flicting, and contradictory information. 5. Environment perception al- ways involves action — they cannot be passively ob- served. 6. Environments always have ambience. Although these minimum criteria have long been recognized, not all of their components are easily testable. As such, they are often intentionally or inadvertently ignored. As a prime example, Ittelson's second criterion is quite obvious, and yet, by far, the majority of research using lists of ele- ments purported to be important in experiencing wilderness has relied almost exclusively on visual content. Yet content analysis of subjective re- sponses to comparative environ- ments shows that both sound and smell are critical perceptual ele- ments. Indeed, tactile references, al- though not included in table 1, were fairly common — the feel of cold, the brush of wind across one's face. Comparatively little research has been done on the contribution of sound to perception of environment. Virtually none has been put forward on olfactory or tactile components. Carter and Stringer (1975), in a chap- ter on "The Acoustic Environment," note the importance of "correctness" of a sound environment — with matched sensory inputs to other sys- tems. For example, an urban environ- ment is expected to have urban sounds. Further, they point out that environmental noise "can frequently produce a general psychological ef- fect, easy to recognize and appre- hend, but less easy to define neatly, which has become known as 83 "annoyance". ..It is important to be aware that latent annoyance can exist widely at levels below which people would make formal complaints, but which nevertheless represent a dimi- nution of the quality of their lives" (p. 67). The descriptions of the noise envi- ronment of the campus mall, in the subjective responses, are themselves cacophonous: bells, cars, car motors, dogs, people talking, calls, sound of feet. "Background sound is now hu- man— only an occasional laugh or loud word to punctuate the general sound of people talking. The bird sound falls out of reach, but more cars start up so the vehicle noise competes.. .Sound first, I seem to ori- ent a lot towards sound." Even at this level, this campus mall is rela- tively low in sound annoyance by any national standard. In the wild area there is an initial annoyance, expressed by most par- ticipants, with each other's voices, but this quickly falls as the group disperses. Then the most significant sound environment perception is a strong awareness of silence. Part is the relative silence of natural envi- ronments— apart from machinery and people. But a very large part is "the silence of snow. Deep silence that almost sponges away sound." Then, "the noise of a plane overhead. (The pilot) seems to have no notice of the effect he may be having on so many people and places below. How can he dominate the situation so fully when no one below can have even the slightest effect on him, so far above. How can he presume to in- trude his jet-engine noise into this environment, this private, otherwise quiet place where I have found some seclusion. ..Who should determine, or at least have some influence over, the ambience of a place? The users or the intruders? I suppose the latter does not intend to change this place, but he does — and millions of other little places, grand places, human environ- ment places — each time he flies. Maybe we need to work on that if wilderness experience is going to remain." The theoretical implication of this research is that cognitive and phe- nomenological responses to wild en- vironments can provide information for use in empirical testing to deter- mine the values of wilderness land- scapes to the user. Further steps will be to use the elements found through subjective response to set up empiri- cal tests of human response to wil- derness. Acknowledgments The author acknowledges impor- tant contributions by Kathy D. Bury, Reed. R. Erickson, Larry Mav, Judity McGowan, John F. Simon, Kirsten Springer-Gergersen, Joy Wade, and Jack P. Wise. Literature Cited Appleton, J. 1975. The experience of landscape. New York, NY: John Wiley. Bechtel, R. B. 1985. Subjective re- sponse. University of Arizona. [Unpublished Mimeo] Brown, P. J.; Haas, G. E. 1980. Wil- derness recreation experiences: the Rawah case. Journal of Leisure Re- search. 12: 229-241. Carlson, A. A. 1977. On the possibil- ity of quantifying scenic beauty. Landscape Planning. 4: 131-172. Carter, D.; Stringer, P. 1975. Environ- mental interaction. Madison, CT: International Universities Press, Inc. Daniel, T. C; Vining, J. 1983. Meth- odological issues in the assess- ment of landscape quality. In: Airman, I.; Wohlwill, J. F., eds. Behavior and the natural environ- ment. New York: Plenum Press: 39-84. Driver, B. L. 1972. Potential contribu- tions of psychology to recreation resource management. In: Wohlwill, J. F.; Carson, D. H., eds. Environment and the social sci- ences. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association: 233- 244. Gibson, J. J. 1977. The theory of af- fordances. In: Shaw, R.; Bransford, J., eds. Perceiving, acting, and knowing: toward an ecological psychology. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Gibson, P. M. 1979. Therapeutic as- pects of wilderness programs: a comprehensive literature review. Therapeutic Recreation Journal. 13: 21-33. Ittelson, W. H. 1973. Environment and cognition. New York, NY: Seminar Press. Kaplan, R. 1977. Preference and eve- ryday nature: method and applica- tion. In: Stokols, D., ed. Perspec- tives on environment and behav- ior. New York: Plenum Press: 235- 250. Kaplan, R. 1979. The green experi- ence. In: Kaplan, S.; Kaplan, R., eds. Humanscape. North Scituate, MA: Duxbury: 186-193. Kaplan, S. 1975. An informal model for the prediction of preferences. In: Zube, E. H.; Bush, R. O.; Fabos, J. G., eds. Landscape assessment: values, perceptions, and re- sources. Stroudsburg, PA: Dow- den, Hutchinson and Ross. Kaplan, S. 1979. Perception and land- scape: conceptions and misconcep- tions. In: Eisner, G. H.; Smardon, R. C, eds. Our national landscape. Gen. Tech. Rep. PSW-35. Berkeley, CA: U.S. Department of Agricul- ture, Forest Service, Pacific South- west Forest and Range Experiment Station. Kaplan, S.; Talbot, J. F. 1983. Psycho- logical benefits of a wilderness ex- perience. In: Altman, I.; Wohlwill, J. F., eds. Behavior and the natural environment. New York: Plenum Press: 163-203. Leopold, L. 1969. Landscape aesthet- ics. Natural History. 73: 36-45. Peterson, G. L. 1974. Evaluating the quality of the wilderness environ- ment. Environment and Behavior. 6: 169-193. 84 Rossman, B. B.; Ulehla, Z. J. 1977. Psychological reward values asso- ciated with wilderness use. Envi- ronment and Behavior. 9: 41-66. Sell, J. L.; Taylor, J. G.; Zube, E. H. 1984. Toward a theoretical frame- work for landscape perception. In: Saarinen, T. F.; Seamon, D.; Sell, J. L., eds. Environmental perception and behavior: inventory and pros- pect. Research Paper No. 209. Chi- cago: Department of Geography, University of Chicago. Shafer, E. L., Jr.; Meitz, J. 1969. Aes- thetic and emotional experiences rate high with northeast wilder- ness use. Environment and Behav- ior. 1: 187-197. Stankey, G. H. 1972. A strategy for the definition and management of wilderness quality. In: Krutilla, J. V., ed. Natural environments: studies in theoretical and applied analysis. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press: 88-114. Zube, E. H.; Sell, J. L.; Taylor, J. G. 1982. Landscape perception: re- search, application, and theory. Landscape Planning. 9: 1-33. Perspectives on Wilderness: Testing the Theory of Restorative Environments, TerrylHartig, Marli$(Mang, and Gary W. [Evans1 Abstract.— In both studies, greater beneficial change is hypothesized for natural environment conditions. Results from both studies support the hypothesis of greater emotional restoration, while Study 1 results also support the mental restoration hypothesis. Physiological readings taken in the second study show no restoration differences between conditions. Evaluations of different environments in terms of the theory, obtained in Study 2, are linked to the emotional and mental outcome measures. The pattern of results is seen as supportive of the theory. Poets, writers, philosophers, and artists have long held that natural environments refresh both body and mind by offering respite from the stresses of life in the "civilized" world. More recently, scientists have begun to examine the hypothesis that natural surroundings can function in a restorative capacity, enabling a re- turn to physical and psychological health following experiences of over- load or excessive stress. Some empirical support for the restoration hypothesis comes from research by Ulrich (e.g., 1979, Ulrich and Simons 1986). In an early study, a broad-effect test was administered before and after mildly stressed par- ticipants viewed slides of either na- ture or urban scenes (Ulrich 1979). The results suggest that the group shown urban scenes experienced a clear trend toward lower levels of psychological well-being, while the group exposed to the nature scenes demonstrated consistent improve- ment in well-being. A more recent study found differences in rates of physiological recovery from a stres- sor as a function of the type of envi- ronment participants were exposed to through a video simulation (Ulrich and Simons 1986). Recovery was measured in terms of muscle tension, skin conductance, and pulse transit 'Hartig and Evqqs are with the Program in Social EcologyMhiversity of California. IrvineTMang is with The Planning Center. Newport Beach. Calif.. time, a blood pressure correlate. When compared with groups ex- posed to traffic and pedestrian mall simulations, the group that viewed a nature simulation showed signifi- cantly faster and more complete re- covery. While both studies support the hypothesis that nature has re- storative properties, the fact that the results were produced in short-term simulation situations raises the ques- tion of whether replication under naturalistic conditions would yield similar findings. Research on wilderness therapy programs offers some support for the more general hypothesis that experi- ences of wilderness are psychologi- cally beneficial. The literature on pro- grams designed to maximize positive effects of wild nature settings on humans has been reviewed by Turner (1976) and Gibson (1979). Turner's review article examined 14 wilderness programs and noted 12 claiming "substantial or significant improvements" on outcomes such as body attitude, locus of control, and self-concept. Gibson (1979) critically assessed 21 studies of wilderness programs. Virtually all reported some positive result, leading to the conclusion that wilderness programs "can and do result in positive changes in the self-concepts, person- alities, individual behaviors, and so- cial functioning of the program par- ticipants." Parallel findings from the studies reviewed by Turner (1976) and Gi- bson (1979) strengthen arguments that wilderness experiences provide a variety of benefits. However, the strength of these arguments should be tempered by the knowledge that the research is characterized by nu- merous methodological flaws. Among the shortcomings found by Gibson (1979) were inadequacy of outcome measures, biased or inade- quate samples, lack of random as- signment to groups, and lack of equivalent comparison groups. Unlike participants in the pro- grams considered above, participants in the Outdoor Challenge Program (Hanson 1973) were not members of special problem groups. This pro- gram was the focus of a 10-year re- search effort that examined the psy- chological benefits of extended wil- derness experiences for more typical individuals. Initial evaluative studies (Kaplan 1974, 1977) established evi- dence for positive changes in self- perception as a consequence of wil- derness experiences. Subsequent re- search was concerned with the proc- esses that unfold during the course of a wilderness experience and with the exact nature of the changes that participants experienced. One out- come of this research was a theoreti- cal perspective on person-environ- ment factors that might facilitate re- storative experiences (Kaplan and Talbot 1983). Kaplan and Talbot (1983) consider restoration as an outcome of the op- eration of four factors in human-en- 86 vironment interactions. The first of these, being away, need not involve geographical distancing. Rather, it might involve distancing oneself from distractions or from one's usual work. It might mean "taking a rest from pursuing certain purposes, and possibly from mental effort of any kind" (p. 187). However, while being away may be necessary for restora- tion, it alone may not suffice. Going from an environment filled with dis- traction to one lacking elements of interest may result in boredom rather than restoration. For restoration, an environment should also present contents and processes that hold one's interest. It should offer opportunities for learn- ing and involvement. In short, the environment should facilitate fasci- nation. Fascination, or involuntary attention (James 1892; cited in Kaplan and Talbot 1983, p. 188), can be con- sidered as one end of the attentional spectrum. At the other end would be concentration. When environmental demands are such that functioning requires concentration over extended periods, attentional deficits may ac- cumulate, contributing to mental fa- tigue (Kaplan 1987). Recovery from mental fatigue requires less use of concentration; thus, restorative envi- ronments would be characterized by a greater congruence between func- tioning and fascination. And yet, without some framework in which to fit fascinating elements and processes, an environment may be a source of confusion rather than a means of restoration. Thus, coher- ence may be another important qual- ity of restorative environments. Kap- lan and Talbot (1983) postulate three levels of coherence. Pattern coher- ence refers to "the interrelatedness of the immediately perceived elements of the situation" (p. 190). Distance coherence refers to the capacity of the environment to give one the sense that there is "a continuation of the world beyond what is immedi- ately perceived" (p. 190). Higher- level coherence involves "consistency between what one sees and what one knows about the world as a whole" (p. 190). When experienced as coher- ent, environments reward efforts to understand them with increased fa- miliarity and security; exploration and contemplation increase confi- dence, not confusion. Still, being away, fascination, and coherence may not be sufficient; a South Sea island might not be re- storative for the one who is ship- wrecked on it. In other words, if the person-environment relation is not characterized by compatibility, then the potential for restoration is dimin- ished. Compatibility refers to the match between "environmental pat- terns, the individual's inclinations, and the actions required by the envi- ronment" (Kaplan and Talbot 1983). It exists in situations where "one's purposes fit the demands imposed by the environment and.. .the envi- ronmental patterns that fascinate also provide the information needed for action (p. 190-191). In more simple terms, in situations where what one wants to do is what one needs to do, the potential for a restorative experi- ence should be relatively high. The theory of restorative environ- ments provides a useful perspective for understanding the wilderness ex- perience in terms that can be used to evaluate other human-environment interactions. Thus, the theory enables comparisons between wilderness ex- periences and experiences of other environments. Kaplan and others do not deny the ability of other environ- ments to provide a restorative expe- rience; however, they suggest that wilderness environments often hold the greatest potential for restorative experiences (Kaplan and Talbot 1983). This idea draws support from studies by Rossman and Ulehla (1977) and Feingold (1979). The objectives of the present pro- gram of research were to more rigor- ously test the theory of restorative environments, describe the therapeu- tic agents that might function in any natural setting, and broaden the view of outcomes that might be expected as a result of natural environment experiences. This paper focused on two studies carried out in natural settings. Both studies employed methodologies that addressed the concerns raised by Gibson (1979). The first study was more explora- tory in nature. It sought to examine the restorative experiences people might encounter in wilderness envi- ronments, as compared to restorative experiences available from vacations in non-wilderness settings. The the- ory of restorative environments was used to guide selection of outcome measures that tap into presumably restorative effects of wilderness ex- periences. While Kaplan and Talbot's (1983) research emphasized mental aspects of restoration, the position taken in this study was based on a more holistic view of human func- tioning. It was assumed that the re- storative effects of wilderness would not be limited to the mental level, but would manifest themselves simulta- neously on emotional, mental, physiological, and spiritual levels. This assumption is supported by Ulrich's (1979, Ulrich and Simons 1986) research. The following hypotheses were tested in the first study. 1. Compared to a baseline con- trol group and a non-wilder- ness vacation control group, participants in backpacking trips are expected to show higher levels of emotional and mental restoration. 2. Compared to baseline and non- wilderness vacation con- trol groups, the backpacking group will show higher res- toration scores at a 3- week follow up. Study 1 Method Design. — The study applied a non-equivalent control group design. 87 Participants in backpacking, non-wil- derness vacation, and baseline con- trol groups received pre- and posttesting and a 3-week follow-up. There was a time lapse of 4 to 7 days between pre- and posttesting. The backpacking group consisted of 25 members of privately initiated, moderately strenuous wilderness backpacking outings, ranging in length from 4 days to 1 week, with an average of about 6 hours of hiking each day. This definition of "moder- ately strenuous" was derived from the expert ratings of backpacking trips advertised by the Sierra Club (Outings Sierra Club 1983). Twenty-five individuals involved in their regular day-to-day life made up the baseline control group, while the vacation control group included 18 people who undertook non- wil- derness vacation trips of 4 to 7 days. Participants. — Two criteria were applied in the selection of partici- pants for the three groups. The first was a relatively high level of physical conditioning. This criterion was em- ployed to guard against an alterna- tive explanation for restorative ef- fects of wilderness experiences; that is, rather than the wilderness envi- ronment per se, physical exercise in- herent in wilderness experiences may contribute to increased psychological well-being (Way burn 1980). The second selection criterion was qualification as an experienced back- packer. To qualify, individuals had to have completed at least three overnight wilderness backpacking trips prior to the data collection. As a design strategy, having participants with backpacking experience helped to control for a self-selection variable that has troubled much wilderness research: interest in and inclination toward wilderness. The 68 participants were recruited from a number of places. Some baseline and vacation control group members were drawn from a group of Sierra Club members who were participating in weekly 2-hour condi- tioning hikes. Additional control group members were recruited from a basic mountaineering course taught by the local Sierra Club chapter, from the circle of personal acquaintances and friends, and through the Coop- erative Outdoor Program at the Uni- versity of California, Irvine. Mem- bers of the backpacking group were recruited at the trailhead where they were to begin their trip. The typical participant was middle-aged, somewhat more likely to be male than female, and highly educated. More than two-thirds of the sample had completed college or were involved in post-graduate work. Most participants were stu- dents or occupied technical, profes- sional, or managerial positions. The majority of participants were born and currently living in urban envi- ronments. Almost all participants were living in California at the time of the study. Settings. — Participants in the backpacking group began their trip at either the Cedar Grove or the South Lake trailhead in the Sierra Nevada Mountains of California. The area around these trailhead s can be described as alpine wilderness, with striking glacial topography, wooded valleys, and numerous lakes, streams, and meadows. Members of the non-wilderness vacation control group took trips from home that did not involve ex- posure to wilderness. Typically, these trips involved travel to other towns and cities to visit with family and/ or friends. Those in the baseline control group were engaged in their usual day-to-day activities in the Or- ange and Los Angeles Counties area of southern California. Dependent measures. — Because it was expected that restoration would be manifested on a number of levels, a variety of dependent measures was necessitated. Among the dependent measures were two scales used to test for emotional restoration, which was operationalized as the relative absence of negative feelings (e.g., fear, anger, aggression, sadness) and the predominance of positive feelings (e.g., happiness, playfulness, care for others). One of the emotional restora- tion measures was the Zuckerman Inventory of Personal Reactions (or ZIPERS; Zuckerman 1977). The ZIPERS is a broad-effect test consist- ing of twelve 5-point scales that re- flect individuals' feelings of fear arousal, positive effect, anger and aggression, attentiveness and concen- tration, and sadness. Prior research indicates sound reliability and valid- ity for the ZIPERS (Zuckerman 1977). The ZIPERS was used by Ulrich in the studies referred to earlier (Ulrich 1979, Ulrich and Simons 1986). The Overall Happiness scale (or OHS; Campbell et al. 1976) was also used to test for emotional restora- tion. Response to the scale involves rating one's overall happiness during the last few days on a happiness thermometer. The thermometer pro- vides a range from zero, very un- happy, to 100, very happy, graded in increments of ten. Mental restoration was operation- alized in terms of performance on a task requiring voluntary attention. The dependent measure used to test for mental restoration was proof- reading performance. Participants were asked to discover errors (e.g., misspellings, grammatical, and typo- graphical errors) in a text five and one-half pages in length. There were, on the average, 10 errors per full page. A time limit of 10 minutes was set on the task. Half of the partici- pants in each of the three groups had a different proofreading text at pre- testing and at posttesting. Also, the two texts were rotated at pre- and posttesting. These strategies were employed to balance possible differ- ences in the difficulty of the two texts and to guard against practice effects. No long-term follow-up on proof- reading was conducted because of logistical issues. Procedure. — On consecutive weekends during the months of July and August 1983, groups of indi- viduals setting out on backpacking 88 trips were addressed by the experi- menter at the Cedar Grove and South Lake trailheads. Backpackers were asked to participate in the study if they passed initial screening with re- spect to length and difficulty of their planned trip and their prior back- packing experience. After pretesting eligible individuals, arrangements were made to meet with the partici- pants at their exit points, where posttesting took place. Both pre- and posttesting were carried out directly at the trailheads. Quiet areas away from parking lots and trails were chosen as testing settings so that par- ticipants would not be distracted during testing. Participants in the baseline control group were tested following a 4- to 7- day time lapse between pre- and posttesting. Participants in the vaca- tion control group were pretested before they embarked on their trips and posttested upon their return. The 3-week follow up was conducted through the mail, as participants' residences were widely dispersed through California and other states. The sequence in which the de- pendent measures were admini- stered was held constant over time as much as was possible. At pretesting, participants were instructed to com- plete the ZIPERS first, the OHS sec- pretest peat teat follow-up Figure 1 .—Time-by-group interaction ef- fects for overall happiness in Study 1 . ond, then the proofreading task, and, finally, the Wildernism-Urbanism scale (Hendee et al. 1968). The Wil- dernism-Urbanism scale was used to assess attitudes toward wilderness. The sequence at posttesting was as follows: ZIPERS, OHS, the proof- reading task, and a background in- formation questionnaire. At the fol- low-up, participants were instructed to first complete the ZIPERS and then the OHS. Results and Discussion A series of one-way analysis of variance tests performed on the demographic and background vari- ables indicated that the three groups were similar with respect to the demographic characteristics of age, sex, education, occupation, birth- place, current residence, time lived at birthplace, and country/ state of resi- dence. The three groups were also similar with respect to membership in conservation organizations, age at first wilderness backpacking trip, time since last backpacking trip, amount of backpacking during the last year, self-ratings of physical fit- ness, adherence to fitness schedules, and number of fitness training hours per week. Finally, the three groups did not differ in attitudes toward wilderness as measured with the Wildernism-Urbanism scale (Hendee et al. 1968). For more details on group background characteristics see Mang (1984). Emotional restoration. — A series of one-way analysis of variance tests identified no statistically significant differences between the groups at the pretest on the OHS and on four of the five factors of the ZIPERS. Statis- tically significant differences, F(2, 65) = 5.06, p < .00, were found for the positive effect factor. At pretesting, the backpacking group indicated sig- nificantly higher levels of positive effect than the two control groups, which were very similar to each other. That the groups were similar with respect to five of these six meas- ures indicates that levels of emo- tional well-being were comparable across groups prior to the treatment. Examination of the time-by-group interaction for the ZIPERS revealed no significant effects: for the fear factor, F(4, 130) = .63, p < .64; for the anger/ aggression factor, F(4, 130) = .40, p < .80; for the sadness factor, F(4, 130) = 1.30, p < 27; for the posi- tive effect factor, F(2, 65) = 1.43, p < .24; and for the attentiveness factor, F(4, 130) = 2.17, p < .07. For overall happiness, however, there was a sig- nificant effect, F(4, 130) = 3.07, p < 01. The results suggest significant time-by-group interaction effects only for the Overall Happiness scale. For this outcome measure, tests of simple main effects (Winer 1971) in- dicated no significant differences at pretesting, F(l, 40) = 1.95, p < .17, and posttesting, F(l, 40) = .81, p < 37. Statistically significant differences existed at the time of the follow-up, F(2, 36) = 4.16, p < .02. Three weeks after the backpacking trip, the back- packing group seemed to experience higher levels of overall happiness than the vacation and baseline con- trol groups. In sum, the OHS was the only measure of emotional well-being that produced findings corroborating the hypothesis of increased emotional well-being as a result of a wilderness experience. Interestingly, differences between the three groups were not found at posttesting, as was hypothe- sized, but only at the time of the fol- low-up (fig. 1). The sharp decline demonstrated by the backpacking group between pretest and posttest should not be surprising, according to Kaplan (personal communication, August 20, 1985); the reentry period "is a time of contrasting and conflict- ing feelings... when the mood out- comes are by no means obviously positive." Finally, while Ulrich's (1979) ZIPERS results were not re- produced, the overall happiness find- ing indicates that emotional restora- 89 tion is indeed a potential outcome of natural environment experiences. Mental restoration. — An alpha level of .10 was used for hypothesis testing of behavioral effects, rather than the conventional .05 level. Given the exploratory nature of the re- search, it was thought that treatment effects might be weak, so the odds of discovering an effect were maxi- mized. In addition, because the re- search would be carried out in natu- ralistic settings, numerous extrane- ous factors could not be controlled in the quasi-experimental design. The potentially large error variance would decrease the chance of discov- ering statistically significant effects. The one-way analysis of variance test for the proofreading scores sug- gests no statistically significant dif- ferences between the groups at pretesting, F(2, 65) = 1.78, p < .17. At the posttest, however, the repeated measures analysis of covariance yields a statistically significant time- by-group interaction, F(2, 65) = 2.39, ■p < .09. Changes were in the expected directions; while both baseline and vacation control groups declined in their proofreading performance from pre- to posttesting, the backpacking group showed an increase in per- formance (fig. 2). Collapsing the va- cation and baseline control groups, in the repeated measures analysis of variance, increases the power of the statistical test by reducing the vari- ance attributable to control group differences. This version of the re- peated measures analysis of covari- ance results in a statistically signifi- cant time-by-group interaction, F(l, 48) = 3.85, p < .05. These results sug- gest that the wilderness experience contributed to increased levels of at- tentiveness and concentration in the backpacking group as compared to the control groups. In sum, the proofreading results corroborate the hypothesis of in- creased mental well-being as a result of a wilderness experience. That the proofreading measure is a behavioral index of mental well-being, and thus less amenable to change than self- report indices, makes the finding relatively more robust. Finally, the finding affirms the heuristic value of the restorative environment's theo- retical framework by indicating that attentional factors are involved in restorative experiences. The broader view of restoration assumed in this study — that restora- tion is a holistic phenomenon — also receives some reinforcement. The combined happiness and proofread- ing results suggest that restoration does, in fact, take place on more than one level, though not necessarily si- multaneously. While it was assumed that restoration would also take place on physiological and spiritual levels, these aspects of restoration were not successfully measured. No effort was made to gather data on physiological restoration because of logistical considerations. Efforts were made to measure spiritual restora- tion, but the measure was flawed; for more details, see Mang (1984). Although the first study consti- tuted a significant improvement over other research in the area, it was not without weaknesses. Using only backpackers as participants ad- dressed an important self-selection issue; however, it also limited the ability to generalize the findings. Also, the lack of indices of physio- logical restoration and the failure of the spiritual restoration measure pre- vented a complete survey of the breadth of restorative experiences. Study 2 The second study was designed with three purposes in mind. First was replication of aspects of the ini- tial study. This was manifested in the adoption of the same theoretical framework, in the selection of emo- tional and mental restoration meas- ures, and in the use of naturalistic settings. A second guiding purpose was to address weaknesses in the earlier study. Toward this end a true experimental design was employed and physiological measures were in- cluded. Finally, the second study was specifically designed to provide a test of the theory of restorative envi- ronments. Two strategies were used to fulfill this purpose. Efforts were made to equalize participants with regard to level of cognitive fatigue. Also, participants were asked to evaluate the particular environment in terms of the theory of restorative environments, thus enabling exami- nation of the relationship between restoration outcomes and partici- pants' experiences of their respective environments. Two predictions tested in the sec- ond study were: 1. Restoration as a result of an experience of a natural envi- ronment will take place to a greater extent than will resto- ration resulting from an ex- perience of an urban envi- ronment or from a passive relaxation experience. 2. Degree of restoration will be correlated with evaluations of the particular environment in terms of the theory of re- storative environments. 70 - _____ backpacking group 63 - — — baseline control group 66 - • _— .vacation control group 61 - * * * . 62 - * 60 ■ 11 - 12 - HO - It 1 —————— pretest posttest Tine Period Figure 2.— Time-by-group interaction ef- fects for proofreading performance in Study 1. 90 Method Design. — Equal numbers of males and females were assigned at ran- dom to each of three conditions. The conditions were natural environment experience, urban environment expe- rience, and passive relaxation experi- ence. There were 34 participants in each group. Participants. — The 102 college undergraduates who participated were recruited from two lower-divi- sion social ecology classes, Introduc- tion to Human Behavior and Intro- duction to Environmental Analysis. The typical participant was about 20 years old, from a middle class background, and about half-way through his or her undergraduate education. Although the majority of participants were Caucasian (64.7%), there were considerable percentages of Hispanic (10.8%) and Asian (16.7%) participants. Over 60% of the sample came from a home in which at least one of the parents had com- pleted college. Settings. — Data gathering was conducted on three different settings. For all participants, the first session was held in a laboratory on the Irvine campus. This was also the setting for the passive relaxation experience. Although the institutional nature of the place was rather apparent, efforts were made to make it less sterile. The room was furnished with a large and comfortable easy chair, a table, lamps, and magazines. A portable stereo made music available to those who wanted it. A regional park in Orange County, California was the setting for the natural environment experience. The park contains riparian habitat, remnant chaparral and live oak com- munities, and a large number of exot- ics, such as orange trees and orna- mentals. A diverse assortment of ani- mal life either inhabits or migrates through the park; deer, rattlesnakes, lizards, and raptors were some of the animals sighted during the study. Large rock outcroppings and a small waterfall are other notable features. Participants walked with a re- searcher over a designated path through the park. Though officially designated as a wilderness park, the park's proxim- ity to a major metropolitan area is readily apparent. Residential devel- opment can be seen from a number of points within the park, as can large pylons supporting high-tension wires. The park is also near a flight path of a local airport. The sight and sound of planes was common. Downtown Santa Ana, Calif., pro- vided the setting for the urban envi- ronment experience. With a popula- tion in excess of 300,000, it is the larg- est city in Orange County. A large Hispanic community gives the city a distinctive cultural character; more than one participant reported the feeling of being in a foreign country. The urban walk passed by small shops and businesses, restaurants, medical offices, a department store, and several churches. Several high- rise buildings are situated along the city's main street, which roughly bi- sected the area encompassed by the walk. Traffic in the area is fairly heavy during the day. There is an active street life. Street musicians, bars, and a theater are sources of en- tertainment in the area. For an urban environment, the area is relatively clean. Dependent measures. — As in Study 1, the Zuckerman Inventory of Personal Reactions (ZIPERS) and the Overall Happiness scale (OHS) served as measures of emotional res- toration. The time referent for the OHS was changed from a matter of days to a matter of hours, in keeping with the difference in the duration of the treatment. Proofreading performance was again used to test for mental restora- tion. The materials and proofreading procedures used in Study 1 were also used in Study 2. The present study added meas- ures of physiological restoration, in- cluding systolic and diastolic blood pressure, heart rate, and skin con- ductance. The use of these measures was suggested by the work of Ulrich (1981, 1986). The present study also obtained evaluations of the different experi- mental settings in terms of the re- storative environments theory. This was accomplished through the Envi- ronmental Evaluation scale (EES), a 20-item scale that measures evalu- ations of being away, fascination, co- herence, and compatibility. Items on complexity preference and comforta- bleness/naturalness are also in- cluded. The scale employs a Likert format to gauge responses to the items, which are statements about the environment. Examples are, "My attention was drawn to many inter- esting things," and "It would be diffi- cult to find anything to do in such a place." At present, reliability and va- lidity information for the EES are in- complete. However, the initial analy- sis indicates that the scale has high internal consistency, alpha = .92. Apparatus. — Blood pressure and heart rate readings were obtained with a Critikon Dinamap Vital Signs Monitor Model 1846P.2 Readings were taken once every 4 minutes. Skin conductance was measured with a Psyonics AGSC Automatic Skin Conductance Recording Device through Beckman 16 millimeter sil- ver-silver chloride standard skin electrodes. Johnson and Johnson K-Y Lubricating Jelly was used as a con- ductive medium. Skin conductance readings were taken every 64 sec- onds. For all groups in the first session and for the passive relaxation group in the second session, the physiologi- cal recording equipment was situ- ated in a room adjacent to the room in which participants were seated. At the urban and natural environment 'The use of trade and company names is for the benefit of the reader; such use does not constitute an official endorsement or approval of any service or product by the U.S. Department of Agriculture to the exclusion of others that may be suitable. 91 field sites, the equipment was in the room where participants were seated, though not in their field of vision. Procedure. — Each participant took part in two sessions. During the first, participants provided baseline values for the emotional, mental, and physiological measures. In the sec- ond session, participants performed a series of tasks designed to make heavy demands on their ability to concentrate. Performance of the tasks came immediately before administra- tion of the treatment. There was a time lapse of 3 to 25 days between the two sessions; the median time lapse was 9 days. On arrival for the first session, participants signed a consent form, then washed their hands in prepara- tion for the attachment of the skin conductance electrodes. They were then seated in the easy chair. After cleaning the palm of their non-domi- nant hand with alcohol, the skin con- ductance electrodes were attached. The arm cuff for the vital signs moni- tor was attached to their dominant arm. Participants were then in- structed to minimize movements that might affect their physiological meas- urements. A 16-minute acclimation period preceded the actual baseline record- ing period. During this period, par- ticipants completed questionnaires on their general background, their physiological background, and on the kind of day they were having. Following these, they completed the ZIPERS and the OHS. After the acclimation period, baseline physiological measures were recorded for a period of 20 minutes. Participants were left alone in the room during this period. They were told that they could read magazines if they wanted to, and, if desired, soft music was provided. When the baseline recording pe- riod ended, the researcher returned to the room and removed the elec- trodes and arm cuff. Participants then completed the proofreading task. Finally, they were scheduled for their second session. The second session began much like the first. After preparing partici- pants for the recording of physiologi- cal measurements, a 12-minute accli- mation period began. During this pe- riod participants again completed questionnaires on their physiological background and the sort of day they were having. Those in the natural and urban environment conditions also completed a questionnaire on their drive to the field site. When the questionnaires had been completed and the acclimation period had passed, a second set of baseline physiological measurements was re- corded. This was done over 20 min- utes. Participants were allowed to read magazines during this period. After this second set of baseline measures had been recorded, partici- pants were told that they were going to perform a series of tasks designed to test their ability to concentrate. The tasks used were the Stroop Color-Word Interference Test and a binary classification task. The Stroop task used a poster with five columns and 20 rows of color names printed in a color other than the color named. Participants were presented with a set of row and column coordinates every 3 seconds. They were required to locate the appropriate color name and call out the color of the ink the word was printed in. The binary clas- sification task required classification of numbers as even or odd and as high or low in relation to a given cri- terion number. Numbers were called out every 2 seconds. Participants were led through the tasks with an audio tape; this enabled a high de- gree of uniformity in presentation. To counter boredom and practice ef- fects, the tasks were presented in the following repeating sequence: Stroop, binary classification, Stroop, binary classification. Each of the four task segments lasted approximately 6 minutes. Participants were told that the person with the best overall perform- ance on the experimental tasks would receive a reward of $50. This was done to keep them involved with the task; the difficulty of the tasks was such that there was con- cern that some participants would just give up. It should be noted that, without exception, participants found the tasks extraordinarily demanding. Some reported feeling dizzy. Some had extreme emotional reactions, ranging from anger and frustration to tears. Some became intensely in- volved with the tasks, considering them as a challenge. All experienced some increase in their level of physiological arousal. Upon completion of the task se- quence, the arm cuff and electrodes were removed. In the passive relaxa- tion condition participants were then left alone in the laboratory for 40 minutes, after being instructed that it was okay to read magazines and play music but not to fall asleep. In the natural and urban environ- ment experience conditions, partici- pants were taken on a walk in their respective environment. The walks were of similar length, taking ap- proximately 40 minutes to complete; however, the natural environment walk was over slightly hilly terrain, while the urban environment walk was over level ground. At the outset of the walk, participants were asked to relax and just be aware of the en- vironment around them. They were assured that they did not need to pay attention to anything in particular, but that if they saw something they found particularly interesting, they should feel free to point it out. Re- searchers made efforts to keep con- versation to a minimum without straining the situation. When the treatment period ended, the arm cuff and electrodes were at- tached for the last time. A 32-minute physiological recording period then began. At the beginning of that pe- riod participants completed, in the following order, the EES, the ZIPERS, and the OHS. Before com- 92 pleting the scales, participants in the natural and urban environment groups were asked to imagine that they were still in the environment that they had just walked through. After completing the scales, partici- pants in those two groups were once again asked to imagine themselves still in the setting. They were not al- lowed to read magazines. When the 32 minutes had passed, the arm cuff and electrodes were re- moved. Participants then performed the proofreading task for 10 minutes. Upon completion of the proofreading task participants were debriefed. Results and Discussion To date, only preliminary analyses of a subset of the data have been completed. The findings presented here should, therefore, be considered tentative. For the sake of brevity, the only posttest comparisons reported will be those between the natural en- vironment experience group and the urban environment experience group. Analysis of variance tests were performed on the demographic and background variables that were available for analysis. The tests indi- B6 84 82 80 £ 78 I 75 : w n 1 72 5 TO 70 68 66 64 62 60 natural environment experience group — urban environment experience group __. 1st session 2nd session Tlae Points Figure 3.— Change in overall happiness as a function of experience of environment in Study 2. cate that the groups were similar with respect to background charac- teristics of age, height, and weight. The groups were also similar in terms of ethnicity, parents' annual income, and highest level of educa- tion achieved by either parent. The groups differed with regard to year in school, F(2, 96) = 5.04, p < .008. This probably reflects the fact that participants in the passive re- laxation group (which had more lower-class persons) were recruited from one class, while participants in the other two groups were recruited from a different class. Emotional restoration. — As in Study 1, the ZIPERS and OHS pro- vided measures of emotional well- being. At present, only results from the OHS are available. A one-way analysis of variance test was performed on the pretest OHS scores, resulting in F(2, 96) = 1.49, p < .23, indicating no statisti- cally significant differences between the three groups at the pretest. A planned comparison of the natural and urban groups' posttest scores was performed in an analysis of variance model. Because tests for homogeneity of variance indicated that the groups differed with respect to variance, the planned comparison employed separate estimates of vari- ance rather than the pooled variance estimate. The planned comparison resulted in t = 1.89 at df = 51.7, p < .032. This suggests that the natural environment experience was associ- ated with significantly higher levels of overall happiness at the posttest stage than was the urban environ- ment experience (fig. 3). The hypothesis that a natural envi- ronment experience will result in a greater degree of restoration than an urban environment experience re- ceives support in the present study. That the emotional restoration find- ings of the first study have been re- produced under the more stringent experimental conditions should allay some of the concerns regarding the validity of the earlier findings. Mental restoration. — Proofread- ing performance again provided a behavioral measure of mental well- being. Because a true experimental design was used in this study, the conventional .05 alpha level was used for hypothesis testing, rather than the .10 level used in Study 1. An analysis of variance test of the pretest proofreading scores resulted in F(2, 98) = 2.18, p < .12. This sug- gests that, at the pretest, the partici- pants in all three groups were com- parable with regard to attentiveness and the ability to concentrate. The planned comparison of the posttest proofreading scores from the natural and urban environment groups yielded t = 1.22 at df = 98, p < .113. Apparently, the natural envi- ronment experience did not posi- tively influence attentiveness or the ability to concentrate in comparison to the urban environment experience. The results of the present study do not corroborate the hypothesis of greater mental restoration resulting from a natural environment experi- ence as compared to an urban envi- ronment experience. A plausible ex- planation for this finding centers on the strength of the treatment; the 40- minute treatment period may have been an inadequate amount of time for mental restoration to take place, no matter what the setting. Physiological restoration. — Blood pressure and heart rate measures were used as measures of physiologi- cal well-being. It was expected that increased well-being would be re- flected in lower blood pressure and heart rate. Analysis of variance tests of the pretest physiological measures indi- cate that participants in the three groups are similar with respect to systolic blood pressure and heart rate. However, the groups differed on diastolic blood pressure: F(2,99) = 4.46, p < .014. Examination of the pre- test means suggests that the passive relaxation group has a generally higher level of diastolic blood pres- sure at the pretest. This observation 93 is born out by comparing the passive relaxation group's pretest mean with the pretest means of the other two groups. This contrast results in one- tailed t = 2.94 at df = 99, p < .004. Comparison of the pretest group means of the urban and natural groups does not result in a statisti- cally significant difference. Because there were no differences between the natural environment ex- perience group and the urban envi- ronment experience group at the pre- test, planned comparisons of their posttest group means were per- formed in an analysis of variance model. The comparison of the group means for systolic blood pressure re- sulted in t = -.31 at df = 99, p < .38; for diastolic blood pressure, t = .45 at df = 99, p < .33; for heart rate, t = 1.10 at df = 98, p < .14. In sum, no statistically significant differences exist between the posttest physiological measures obtained from the natural environment experi- ence group and those obtained from the urban environment experience group. This suggests that, in the present study, an experience of a natural environment did not affect physiological restoration to a signifi- cantly greater degree than did an ur- ban environment experience. There are two plausible explana- tions for non-reproduction of Ulrich's (1981, Ulrich and Simons 1986) findings and thus non-support of the physiological restoration hy- pothesis. First, as with mental resto- ration, the treatment may have been inadequate. Second, it is possible that any differences in physiological res- toration from the tasks were washed out by the end of the treatment pe- riod, during which physiological measurements were not taken. Environmental evaluation. — The EES items were recoded so that low values represented little agreement and high values represented high agreement with whatever statement was presented. An index variable was then created by summing the sources from the 20 items. A high score indicates that the participant rated the particular environment highly in terms of being away, fasci- nation, coherence, and compatibility. Two analyses were planned for the EES data. The first involved test- ing for a difference between the groups. A planned comparison indi- cated that evaluations of the natural environment experience (M = 80.50) were significantly higher than evalu- ations of the urban environment ex- perience (M = 66.20), t = 6.06 at df = 99, p < .000. This suggests that par- ticipant experiences of the natural environment were characterized by being away, fascination, coherence, and compatibility to a greater extent than participant experiences of the urban environment. The second analysis involved test- ing the hypothesis that degree of res- toration would correlate with evalu- ations of the particular environment in terms of the theory of restorative environments. Preliminary analyses involved calculation of Pearson product-moment correlations be- tween the EES index score and the various indicators of restoration. This produced statistically significant correlations with the posttest overall happiness (r = .29, p < .001 ) and proofreading (r = .21, p < .018) scores. The relationships are in the expected direction; as EES index scores increase, overall happiness and proofreading performance also increase. The pattern of environmental evaluation results brings an interest- ing issue to the fore. Were the above hypothesis true, and the urban and natural environment experiences evaluated equally high, one would not expect clearcut differences be- tween the groups in terms of restora- tion. The relationships between evaluation and the two restoration indices tend to support the hypothe- sis. The two environmental experi- ences were not evaluated equally high; however, there are clearcut dif- ferences between the two groups only in terms of overall happiness. This suggests two possibilities. One, different factors in person-environ- ment interactions more strongly in- fluence different outcome measures. Two, evaluations of the environ- mental experience mediate outcomes, but to differing degrees. These possi- bilities will be examined in future analyses. General Discussion The present studies contribute to the body of wilderness research in four ways. First, the methodologies employed indicate ways to address problems that have rendered incon- clusive much of the earlier work on wilderness therapy programs. Sec- ond, the combined results suggest that restoration resulting from natu- ral environment experiences does take place on more than one level, supporting the assumption that res- toration is a holistic phenomena. Third, they provide a test of a theo- retical framework that allows wilder- ness experiences to be considered within the range of possible person- environment interactions. Finally, they provide a measure of support for this theory of restorative environ- ments, thereby pointing out certain factors in the person-environment re- lationship that may operate to affect restoration. Literature Cited Campbell, A.; Converse, P. E.; Rodg- ers, W. L. 1976. The quality of American life. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Feingold, B. H. 1979. The wilderness experience: the interaction of per- son and environment. California School of Professional Psychology. Unpublished doctoral dissertation. Gibson, P. M. 1979. Therapeutic as- pects of wilderness programs: a comprehensive literature review. Therapeutic Recreation Journal. 13(2): 21-33. 94 Hanson, R. A. 1973. Outdoor chal- lenge and mental health. Natural- ist. 24: 26-30. Hendee, J. C; Catton, W. R., Jr.; Mar- low, L. D.; Brockman, C. F. 1968. Wilderness users in the Pacific Northwest: their characteristics, values, and management prefer- ences. Res. Pap. PNW-61. Port- land, OR: U.S. Department of Ag- riculture, Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Forest and Range Ex- periment Station. James, W. 1892. Psychology: the briefer course. New York, NY: Holt. Kaplan, R. 1977. Some psychological benefits of an outdoor challenge program. Environment and Be- havior. 6: 101-116. Kaplan, R. 1977. Summer outdoor programs: their participants and their effects. In: Children, nature, and the urban environment: pro- ceedings of a symposium; Upper Darby, PA. Gen. Tech. Rep. NE- 30. Broomall, PA: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Northeastern Forest Experiment Station: 175-179. Kaplan, S. 1987. Mental fatigue and the designed environment. In: Harvey, J.; Henning, D., eds. Pub- lic environments. Washington, DC: Environmental Design Re- search Association. Kaplan, S.; Talbot, J. F. 1983. Psycho- logical benefits of a wilderness ex- perience. In: Airman, I.; Wohlwill, J. F., eds. Behavior and the natural environment. New York, NY: Pel- num. Mang, M. 1984. The restorative ef- fects of wilderness backpacking. Irvine, CA: University of Califor- nia. Unpublished doctoral disser- tation. Outings Sierra Club. 1983, January/ February. The Sierra Club Bulletin. 68:49-111. Rossman, B. B.; Ulehla, Z. J. 1977. Psychological reward values asso- ciated with wilderness use: a func- tional-reinforcement approach. Environ, and Behavior. 9: 41-66. Turner, A. L. 1976. The therapeutic value of nature. Journal of Opera- tional Psychiatry. 7: 64-74. Ulrich, R. S. 1979. Visual landscapes and psychological well-being. Landscape Research. 4(1): 17-23. Ulrich, R. S. 1981. Natural versus ur- ban scenes: some psychophysiol- ogical effects. Environment and Behavior. 13: 523-556. Ulrich, R. S.; Simons, R. F. 1986. Re- covery from stress during expo- sure to everyday outdoor environ- ments. In: Barnes, R.; Zimring, C; Wineman, J., eds. The costs of not knowing. Washington, DC: Envi- ronmental Design Research Asso- ciation. Wayburn, W. E. 1980. Psychological consequences of wilderness expe- riences. Irvine, CA: University of California. Unpublished master's thesis. Winer, J. B. 1971. Statistical prin- ciples in experimental design, 2nd edition. New York, NY: McGraw- Hill. Zuckerman, M. 1977. Development of a situation-specific trait-state test for the prediction and meas- urement of affective responses. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology. 45: 513-523. Acknowledgments This research was supported by a the Chancellor's Patent Fund and a Graduate Research Fellowship from the University of California, Irvine; and by the National Institute of Men- tal Health Pre-Doctoral Training Grant 5 T32 MH 16868 04. We appreciate the contributions made to this research by Ann Balow, David Diffley, Editha Dizon, Wendy Ravin, Keith Sneden, Mark Taylor, Shawn Williams, and Steve Yoder. We are also thankful for critical feed- back from Stephen Kaplan, Raymond Novaco, Karen Rook, and Daniel Stokols. 95 r How Therapeutic is Camping for Mentally TJI Adults?/, LynnlL^vitt1 Abstract.— Although therapeutic camping for emotionally disturbed children and adolescents has existed for over a half century, most therapeutic camping programs for mentally ill adults evolved in the United States during the past 30 years. The purpose of this paper is to critically review the effectiveness of these camping programs as a treatment modality for mentally ill adults. In addition, suggestions for future research will be discussed. Nature of Therapeutic Camping Programs Although the term "therapeutic camping" is used to describe some programs designed for the mentally ill (Apter 1977, Muller 1971, Reitman and Pokorny 1974, Weisman et al. 1966), other terms such as wilderness camp/ challenges (Banaka and Young 1985, Neffinger et al. 1984), sociother- apeutic camping (Ramsey 1969), camping therapy (Remar and Lowry 1974), psychiatric camping therapy (Lowry 1974), experiential therapeu- tic camping (Stich 1983, Stich and Senior 1984), wilderness therapy (Thomas 1981), or therapeutic com- munity project (Peterson and Acuff 1955) have also been employed.2 Despite the differences in termi- nology, the goals of therapeutic camping programs are similar. They are designed to foster normal behav- ior patterns, emotions, and attitudes in mentally ill patients/clients through camping in some outdoor, nature setting.3 Patients are encour- aged to socially interact, participate in activities, be independent, show initiative, and make individual (and group) decisions. These behaviors ^School of HumanitiesjNew York Institute of Technology, Old Westbury. NYJ 2lhe term "therapeutic camping" will be used to describe such programs in this pa- per. 3The term "patient' will be used rather than client in this paper to simplify matters. are the exact opposite of passivity, dependence, and lack of initiative fostered by years of routine and regi- mentation in a hospital or institution (Bernstein 1972). Hopefully, thera- peutic camping programs may aid in the discharge of the chronic mentally ill from hospitals and institutions into the community (Barker and Weisman 1966, Weisman et al. 1966). Although therapeutic camping programs have basically similar goals, there are wide differences in the duration of the camping period, type of outdoor setting, the patients, and the staff who participate in these programs. While some programs are day camps (Bergan 1958, Lee 1983, Orbach 1966), most programs pro- vide overnight experiences averaging approximately 1 to 2 weeks (Banaka and Young 1985, McFarland et al. 1967, Reitman and Pokorny 1974, Remar and Lowry 1974, Rerek 1973, Smith 1959, Weisman et al. 1966). However, some programs last only 1 to 2 days (Lowry 1974, Shearer 1975). Usually mountainous, forested regions such as national forests, state parks, or forest preserves ranging from 1 to 300 miles from the hospi- tal/institution are used (Ackerman et al. 1959, Bergan 1958, McDonald 1974, Neffinger et al. 1984, Reitman and Pokorny 1974, Shearer 1975, Tuttle et al. 1975). Typically, camping sites with developed facilities such as a dining hall or recreation building are chosen (Acuff 1961, McFarland et al. 1967, Ramsey 1969, Reitman and Pokorny 1974, Rerek 1973). Patients usually sleep in cabins with a staff member assigned to each cabin (Ack- erman et al. 1959, Acuff 1961, Barker and Weisman 1966, Smith 1959, Weisman et al. 1966). The patients differ in terms of the number participating, their ages, and diagnostic categories. The number of patients participating in these pro- grams ranged from small groups of 7 or 9 patients (Kistler et al. 1977, Nef- finger et al. 1984) to mid-sized groups of 20-50 patients (George and Gibson 1959, Orbach 1966, Tuttle et al. 1975, Weisman et al. 1966) to even larger groups of 80 to 114 patients (Peterson and Acuff 1955). Patient/ staff ratios were approximately 1:1 (Jerstad and Stelzer 1973, McDonald 1974) or higher such as 3:1 or 5:1 (Neffinger et al. 1984, Peterson and Acuff 1955). Although most pro- grams had mixed-sex groups of var- ied ages, a few programs were lim- ited to only geriatric patients (Lee 1983, Rerek 1973). The mentally ill were usually selected from state mental institutions/ hospitals (e.g., Rerek 1973), but others were selected from community mental health pro- grams or private hospitals (e.g., George and Gibson 1959, Orbach 1966). While programs typically deal with a cross-section of the chronic mentally ill, many include mainly chronic schizophrenic populations (Acuff 1961, Banaka and Young 1985, Bergan 1958, George and Gibson 1959, Peterson and Acuff 1955, Whit- 96 tekin 1967) or schizophrenics in com- bination with some other diagnostic categories (McFarland et al. 1967, Shearer 1975). Patients are selected primarily by the medical and clinical staffs in- volved (e.g., Lowry 1974, Orbach 1966, Ramsey 1969, Stich and Senior 1984), but the criteria for selection and /or elimination are less clear. In one camping program, patients were selected from older, working, chronic patients who deserved a vacation and had few or no visits from rela- tives or friends (Ackerman et al. 1959). Patients in another program were selected based on chronicity, adaptability, and demands of the program (Banaka and Young 1985). Some researchers included all type patients on such trips (Jerstad and Stelzer 1973); others eliminated those not able to care for their personal needs, those with some physical or medical impairment, or those that could possibly be behavior problems (Lee 1983, McNeil 1957, Ramsey 1969, Remar and Lowry 1974, Stich and Senior 1984, Weisman et al. 1966). Some of the diagnostic catego- ries eliminated from past programs included acute psychosis or suicidal patients, chronic sociopaths, patients undergoing electroshock therapy, homicidal patients, paranoid pa- tients, the brittle diabetic, the patient in delirium tremens, and the addict in active withdrawal (Lee 1983, Nef- finger et al. 1984, Ramsey 1969, Re- mar and Lowry 1974, Stich and Sen- ior 1984). Patients are usually given the choice to participate or not in the camping program (Banaka and Young 1985, Jerstad and Stelzer 1973, Nef finger et al. 1984, Reitman and Pokorny 1974, Shearer 1975, Stich and Senior 1984). While most pa- tients choose to participate, others decline (Banaka and Young 1985, McFarland et al. 1967, Stich and Sen- ior 1984). In short, the patients who participate in the therapeutic camp- ing programs are frequently a select group of volunteer patients. The staff consists of a combination of professionals and nonprofession- als such as clinical psychologists, reg- istered nurses, rehabilitation thera- pists, medical physicians, cooks, di- eticians, and faculty at universities. Nurses or physicians are needed to dispense medications although dos- ages have been found to be reduced or eliminated during the camping period (Remar and Lowry 1974). Vol- unteer college students or profes- sional guides are sometimes used (Banaka and Young 1985, Jerstad and Stelzer 1973), while ongoing camping programs often employ permanent staff (Ramsey 1969, Smith 1959). Al- though the importance of staff selec- tion has been stressed (Smith 1959), only a handful of studies mention the criteria for selection. Neffinger et al. (1984) chose staff members who had extensive experience working with young adult chronic patients in ther- apy, significant backpacking experi- ence, first-aid training, and who felt comfortable in informal or more for- mal relationship styles. Other re- searchers state that the staff must be motivated, enthusiastic, or show a genuine interest in the camping pro- gram (Lowry 1974, Ramsey 1969). Ramsey claims that younger person- nel make better staff members. Some programs require their staff to attend workshops before the patients arrive to learn about group living in camp and about the facilities (Smith 1959). Effects of Therapeutic Camping Programs These studies indicate that thera- peutic camping has several beneficial effects for mentally ill adults. Some of these major benefits include the following: (1) improved physical health (Caplan 1967, Reitman and Pokorny 1974); (2) improved patient- staff relationships (George and Gi- bson 1959, McFarland et al. 1967, Ramsey 1969, Reitman and Pokorny 1974, Rerek 1973, Smith 1959); (3) in- creased patient initiative (Weisman et al. 1966); (4) restored sense of self including self-confidence and self- esteem (Lee 1983, McDonald 1974, Muller 1971, Weisman et al. 1966); (5) increased quantity and quality of so- cial interactions (Banaka and Young 1985, Lowry 1974, Reitman and Pokorny 1974, Shearer 1975, Smith 1959, Turtle et al. 1975); (6) establish- ment of friendships (Barker and Weisman 1966, Lee 1983, Remar and Lowry 1974), and (7) discharge from hospitals and a lower readmission rate (Acuff 1961, Barker and Weis- man 1966, Jerstad and Stelzer 1973, Lowry 1974, Peterson and Acuff 1955, Rerek 1973, Weisman et al. 1966). Other effects include reduction in hallucinations (Shearer 1975), greater acceptance of reality (Whit- tekin 1967), improved skills (Banaka and Young 1985), improved table manners (McFarland et al. 1967), and increased patient enthusiasm and fun (Kistler et al. 1977, Neffinger et al. 1984, Reitman and Pokorny 1974, Whittekin 1967). However, results of some studies indicate that therapeutic camping can also have negative effects for mentally ill adults including overt anger, passive-aggressive behavior, regressive behavior, depression, or suicide (McDonald 1974, Muller 1971, Orbach 1966, Shearer 1975). While the results of a majority of these studies indicate that camping is indeed therapeutic for mentally ill adults, the validity of these results needs to be questioned due to weak- nesses in experimental design and methodology. Experimental Design and Methodology Most of the results of therapeutic camping programs are based on ei- ther Campbell and Stanley's (1963) one-shot case study (Caplan 1967, George and Gibson 1959, Jerstad and Stelzer 1973, Kistler et al. 1977) or one group pretest-posttest design (Orbach 1966, Tuttle et al. 1975). In 97 the one-shot case study, patients par- ticipate in a therapeutic camping pro- gram and the effects of the program on the patients are recorded. In the one group pretest-posttest design, measures are taken on the patients before and after the therapeutic camping program and changes in their behaviors, emotions, and atti- tudes are recorded. However, the internal and external validity of these designs is weak. The internal validity of these de- signs is weak because the treatment, therapeutic camping, may be con- founded with other factors. If thera- peutic camping programs lead to positive effects for mentally ill adults, one would presume that there is something inherently therapeutic about camping in a wilderness or wilderness-type setting. In fact wil- derness has been viewed as thera- peutic by several researchers because (1) it is isolated from the tensions and stresses of the city and institu- tional life (Acuff 1961, Apter 1977); (2) low density population, low lev- els of noise and movement, and a slow rate of change are particular wilderness stimuli (Bernstein 1972); (3) the natural environment has aes- thetic and spiritual values (Acuff 1961); (4) it is a different, novel, and physically healthful environment (Neffinger et al. 1984, Thomas 1981); and (5) it reinforces activity, inde- pendence, and initiative (Bernstein 1972). Because of these inherent qualities of a wilderness setting, these authors state that it is easier for people to cope with their environ- ment, learn new responses and skills, and be self-sufficient, independent, and active. While the reported beneficial ef- fects of therapeutic camping may be due to these inherent qualities of wil- derness, without control or compari- son groups, it is difficult to rule out other factors such as environmental change, increased perceived control, or "spontaneous remission." With regard to environmental change, one has to ask, "what is changed?" Certainly the physical set- ting is different, not only in terms of flora and fauna, but there are also no wards with locked doors or window bars. Patients do not wear uniforms and are free to move about camp. More important, however, than the changes in physical setting are, per- haps, the changes in the daily routine and regiment found in hospitals and institutions. One major difference is that patient/ staff relationships be- come more equal (Banaka and Young 1985, Remar and Lowry 1974, Smith 1959). Staff eat, share sleeping quar- ters, and participate in activities with the patients. This changed patient/ staff rela- tionship has met favorably with the patients and been cited as the great- est advantage of the experience (Pe- terson and Acuff, 1955, Smith 1959). Thus the beneficial effects of thera- peutic camping could be attributed to this marked change in patient/ staff relationships rather than the claimed inherently therapeutic as- pects of wilderness. Therapeutic camping programs are also designed to increase a pa- tient's control over his/her environ- ment by having the patient make choices and decisions. This is the ex- act opposite of his/her life in a hospi- tal or institution. Patients decide whether to participate in the pro- gram, help plan the trip and events, choose camp activities to participate in, plan the menu, prepare the food, etc. (Ackerman et al. 1959, McFar- land et al. 1967, Peterson and Acuff 1955, Smith 1959, Whittekin 1967). Having the patients make choices and decisions are important factors in increasing one's control over his/ her environment. Because it has been shown that increasing one's per- ceived control has led to beneficial effects in non-wilderness settings (e.g., Langer and Rodin 1976), the reported positive outcomes from th- erapeutic camping could be attrib- uted to this factor alone rather than the inherent aspects of wilderness or camping in a wilderness setting. Al- though both environmental change and increased perceived control are aspects of the camping program, these factors are not dependent on wilderness or camping in wilderness to produce beneficial effects. Finally another confounding factor is spontaneous remission (Campbell and Stanley 1963). That is, patients could have improved over time with- out any type of therapy. Although the duration of most camping pro- grams were short and thus mitigate against this, without the use of con- trol groups or comparison groups, this factor still cannot be ruled out. Very few studies have used either control or comparison groups (Ba- naka and Young 1985, Stich 1983). Another problem with these re- search studies is the lack of reliable or valid measures used in assessing the effects of therapeutic camping. Results of these studies are usually based on anecdotal data and /or ob- servational data (e.g., Caplan 1967, George and Gibson 1959, Jerstad and Stelzer 1973, Lowry 1974, Neffinger et al. 1984, Peterson and Acuff 1955, Smith 1959, Stich and Senior 1984). Most of these observations, however, suffer from possible biased reporting by the staff involved and lack of interrater reliability. Interrater relia- bility was rarely reported (Banaka and Young 1985, Orbach 1966). In- struments such as rating scales, Modified Bales Interaction Matrix, or questionnaires have been used in some studies (Banaka and Young 1985, Orbach 1966, Stich 1983, Turtle et al. 1975). However these instru- ments suffer from lack of validity or reliability and /or biased samples. Only Orbach (1966) gave an estimate of reliability of the rating scales used. Another difficulty is the lack of statistical analyses. Since parametric and nonparametric statistical tests were applied in only a handful of studies (Banaka and Young 1985, Or- bach 1966, Tuttle et al. 1975), we do not know if the beneficial effects at- tributed to therapeutic camping pro- grams were statistically significant. 98 The external validity of the de- signs is also weak. According to Campbell and Stanley (1963), "exter- nal validity asks the question of gen- eralizability: To what populations, settings, treatment variables, and measurement variables can this effect be generalized?'7 (p. 5). It is difficult to generalize the results of these studies to other populations because of the small and /or biased samples or to other settings because of the lack of both short- and long-term fol- low-up studies. Only a few research- ers did any type of follow-up studies (Banaka and Young 1985, Barker and Weisman 1966, Ramsey 1969). Suggestions for the Future If the therapeutic camping move- ment is to progress, we need not only improvements in experimental de- sign and methodology but also re- search into as yet unanswered ques- tions concerning these programs. Improvement in the validity of these studies can be achieved through the use of control or com- parison groups, randomization of subjects to experimental and control groups, larger samples, the use of reliable and valid measures, use of statistical analyses, and short- and long-term follow-up studies. The im- portance of control groups is indi- cated by the Banaka and Young (1985) study. In this study a variation of Campbell and Stanley's multiple time-series design was used. An ex- perimental group of 48 patients were measured four times: before, during, at the end of the camping period, and 2-3 weeks later. A control group of 30 patients was measured before and during the camping period. Al- though the experimental group showed an increase in informal social contacts during the camping period, so did the control group. Without the control group, inaccurate conclusions might have been drawn. Ideally, additional comparison groups should also be included in the experimental design to help deter- mine exactly what is therapeutic about camping in a wilderness or wilderness-type setting. For example, one group of patients could partici- pate in a traditional camping pro- gram in which patients are given in- creased control over their environ- ment; a second group of patients could camp in the same setting but be given little control over their envi- ronment; a third group of patients could be brought to a non-wilderness setting (e.g., halfway house) and given increased control over their environment; while a fourth group of patients could be given no treatment and serve as the control group. By making various comparisons among these four groups, it could be deter- mined if wilderness, perceived con- trol, or both factors contribute to the therapeutic aspects of the camping program. While such a study would also not be without its faults, it would at least begin to shed some information on the therapeutic as- pects of camping. To reduce biases in observations, reliable and valid measures of behav- ior are needed. Ratings of the pa- tients' behavior should be recorded by individuals other than the staff involved and interrater reliability re- ported (Banaka and Young 1985, McFarland et al. 1967). More follow-up studies (both short- and long-term) are needed to determine how lasting the beneficial effects of therapeutic camping pro- grams are and whether these effects generalize to other non-wilderness settings. To date, follow-up studies indicate that some of the beneficial effects resulting from therapeutic camping dissipate over time while others do not. Ramsey (1969) re- ported that ward physicians rated 75% of the patients as showing "some" to "excellent" improvement 1 month after the camping period. Ba- naka and Young (1985) reported that the experimental group improved on 7 of 10 scales by the end of camp but maintained those changes on only 4 of 7 scales 2-3 weeks later. For ex- ample, at the end of the camping pe- riod, experimental subjects indicated they were significantly more optimis- tic about the future, but this differ- ence was not significant 2-3 weeks later. In a 6-month follow-up of these patients, Banaka and Young reported no significant differences in dis- charge rates (or recidivism) between experimental and control groups, but significantly more experimental than control subjects were in the commu- nity and spent more time there. Thus, certain effects of therapeutic camping appear to dissipate within 1 month while others appear more per- manent. It is not clear whether this is due to elapsed time or the differ- ences between wilderness and non- wilderness settings. Normal behavior patterns ex- pressed by the patients during camp may not generalize to non-wilderness settings because the shock of leaving a beautiful wilderness (or wilder- ness-type) setting to return to an in- stitute or hospital may be too trau- matic. To expect patients to transfer these behavior patterns from a wil- derness to a hospital setting may be unrealistic. Therefore, to facilitate the transfer of normal behavior patterns in a wilderness or wilderness-type setting to non-wilderness settings, it has been suggested that clients prac- tice the behavior patterns, thoughts, feelings, and perceptions first learned in wilderness in a number of environments leading gradually back to civilization (Thomas 1981). For ex- ample, nature settings closer to civili- zation such as city parks or hospital grounds might be used (Clark 1977). Clark cites a case in which the setting proved important. Increased commu- nication among patients with poor socialization skills resulted on the grounds of a large metropolitan hos- pital rather than inside the hospital per se. To further reduce the differ- ences between a beautiful wilderness setting and the typical hospital ward, the ward might also be changed. In one study the ward was redone in an 99 un-hospital-like appearance (along with changes in procedures) when patients returned from the camping trip. This program proved so suc- cessful that the several patients moved to community apartments (Rerek 1973). Increased postcamping efforts such as these may help to re- duce the traumatic change from camp to ward setting, thereby facili- tating the transfer of these positive effects to non-wilderness settings. In addition to improving experi- mental design and methodology, we need answers to several questions concerning the operation of these camping programs. Systematic re- search into the role of therapeutic camping in the patient's treatment program, the type of patients and staff, the duration of the camping pe- riod, and cost/benefit analyses of these programs is needed. Although Gibson (1979) raised almost all these same issues nearly a decade ago, we still do not have any definitive an- swers to these questions. However, certain things can be gleaned from past studies that may prove useful to others planning to conduct research and/or develop therapeutic camping programs in the future. First, what role does therapeutic camping play in the total treatment of the patient? Should it supplement or substitute for more traditional modes of therapy? Neffinger et al. (1984) claim that therapeutic camp- ing should be adjunctive and not al- ternative therapy. In the past, thera- peutic camping programs have served as a transition between hospi- tal and community, as a type of after- care service, as a vacation or recrea- tional activity, as an opportunity for the patients to do something "nor- mal," or as an extension of regular field trips (Ackerman et al. 1959, Ki- stler et al. 1977, Peterson and Acuff 1955, Reitman and Pokorny 1974, Re- rek 1973). It is important to under- stand the role of camping programs in terms of treatment of the patient because the nature of the program itself may have to vary accordingly. Second, we need information on whether therapeutic camping pro- grams should be designed differently for patients with different diagnoses, ages, chronicity, etc. Remar and Lowry (1974) claim there should be three different type programs cre- ated— one for adolescents who re- quire large muscle activity and need close supervision; one for chronic pa- tients who need strong remotivation efforts to rouse them from with- drawal and stupor, and a third one for less disturbed patients already in a day care or rehabilitation sheltered workshop program. This scheme is based in part on the age of the pa- tients. Although therapeutic camping programs are already designed roughly by age (i.e., for emotionally disturbed children, adolescents, and mentally ill adults), camping pro- grams for mentally ill adults usually include a wide range of ages. For ex- ample, one program included pa- tients ranging from 40-60 years (Weisman et al. 1966) and another from 19-62 years old (Tuttle et al. 1975). Since the special needs and capabilities of geriatric patients at camp have already been addressed (Lee 1983, Rerek 1973), further age subdivisions (e.g., young adult, middle age) may be necessary to de- sign appropriate camp activities. Be- sides the criteria of age, therapeutic camping programs that have "nor- mal" senior citizens interact with geriatric patients (Rerek 1973) or have patients interact with their rela- tives (Muller 1971) need to be further explored. Third, the criteria for selection/ elimination of patients and staff is not clear. Although Smith (1959) claims that the selection of patients and staff is the most vital ingredient of the camping program, very few researchers indicate the criteria for selection of either. Although elimina- tion of patients appears to be based on diagnostic categories, there is as yet no agreement on what categories to eliminate. Others feel that the evaluation of psychosocial dysfunc- tion may be a more important deter- minant for participating in therapeu- tic camping programs than diagnos- tic category (Stich and Senior 1984). Ramsey (1969) states that the length of hospitalization seems to be related to therapeutic benefits because pa- tients hospitalized for only 1-2 years respond best to therapeutic camping. It seems important to give patients the choice to participate in the pro- gram because this will increase their sense of control over their environ- ment and possibly reduce any diffi- culties arising from forced compli- ance. However, if the patients decide not to participate in the camping pro- gram, their resistance can then be discussed in subsequent therapy meetings (Stich and Senior 1984). Fourth, we need more information on the criteria for selection of staff, appropriate patient/staff ratios, the optimum staff-patient fit, and reac- tions of the staff to the camping pro- gram, etc. Although patients react positively to volunteers on the staff, hardly any programs use them (Re- itman and Pokorny 1974, Remar and Lowry 1974). To date, a patient/ staff ratio of 1:1 for adolescents and 3:1 for older chronic patients has been recommended (Remar and Lowry 1974). Moreover, more research re- garding the reactions of the staff to the camping period is sorely needed. This is important since results of one study indicated considerable depres- sive letdown in the staff following a successful camping trip (Muller 1971). In addition, it has been recom- mended that each staff member be given a few hours relief each day be- cause they are on-duty 24 hours a day during the camping period (McFarland et al. 1967). Fifth, since certain negative effects have occurred for patients (and staff) participating in camping programs, preventative measures should be taken. A variety of workshops and preliminary meetings for the patients and staff before and after the experi- ence has been recommended (Lee 1983, Muller 1971, Neffinger et al. 100 1984, Whittekin 1967). At these meet- ings it is important that the staff be made fully aware of adjustment or behavior problems of patients that could result in having them sent home from camp (Lowry 1974, Peter- son and Acuff 1955, Ramsey 1969, Weisman et al. 1966). Patients may be initially reluctant, anxious, or appre- hensive to leave the protection of the hospital; they may lack initiative, make unrealistic plans for specific activities, or withdraw from de- manding or threatening activities (Kistler et al. 1977, Lee 1983, Shearer 1975). Muller (1971) suggests that pa- tients not return from a camping pro- gram on a weekend if little therapeu- tic interaction is possible. Sixth, what should the duration of the camping period be? Although past therapeutic camping programs for chronic mentally ill adults have lasted from 1-2 days to usually 1-2 weeks, this may not be enough time to change long ingrained behavior patterns found in mentally ill pa- tients living in an institution or hos- pital. Turner (1976) suggested that a period of 2days is too short to break down years of stereotyped behavior roles much less build adaptive ade- quate behaviors and stated that the widespread depression following the camping period in the Muller (1971) study may have been due to this fac- tor. Because some studies point to a direct relationship between the dura- tion of the camping experience and positive changes in attitudes and be- havior (Turner 1976), either the dura- tion of the camping period could be extended or, perhaps, patients could repeat the camping experience. Only one program reviewed had patients repeat the camping experience, but most of the changes in the patients' behaviors were observed after the first camping period rather than sub- sequent ones (Orbach 1966). Seventh, cost-benefit analyses of such programs need to be conducted and disseminated to other col- leagues. Only a handful of research- ers mention anything about the ac- tual monetary costs of the program. Banaka and Young (1985) claim that their camping program was cost-ef- fective when one compares the cost of 1 month in a hospital with the costs of camp. Six months after camp, the controls had accumulated hospital costs at twice the rate of par- ticipants. Stich (1983) stated that the patients who had participated in the Outward Bound Mental Health Pro- gram had shorter hospital stays which represented a substantial sav- ings. To defray monetary costs, past programs have relied on monetary contributions and/ or donations of goods and /or services from founda- tions, hospital volunteers, and pro- fessional associations; renting or bor- rowing equipment; having the pa- tients share part of the expenses; us- ing established camp facilities during off-season, or using free volunteers for the staff (Ackerman et al. 1959, Banaka and Young 1985, Bergan 1958, McDonald 1974, Reitman and Pokorny 1974, Remar and Lowry 1974, Rerek 1973, Smith 1959). With- out ways to finance and /or reduce costs, even successful programs, un- fortunately, may be forced to close (Remar and Lowry 1974). Detailed cost/benefit analyses of therapeutic camping programs may help to over- come any resistance from adminis- trators and fiscal authorities (Barker and Weisman 1966) and allow pro- gram directors to argue convincingly for initial and continued financial support of these programs. It is hoped that the issues and questions raised in this paper will promote systematic and scientific re- search that will lead to some general principles for the operation of thera- peutic camping programs for men- tally ill adults. Literature Cited Ackerman, O. R.; Mitsos, S. B.; Sey- mour, A. M. 1959. Patients go camping in Indiana. Mental Hos- pital. 10: 16-17. Acuff, S. 1961. Camping: transition between hospital and home for the adult mentally ill. Journal of Health, Physical Education and Recreation. 32: 24-25. Apter, S. J. 1977. Therapeutic camp- ing: an alternative strategy for troubled children. Journal of Clini- cal Child Psychology. Winter: 73- 75. Banaka, W. H.; Young, D. W. 1985. Community coping skills en- hanced by an adventure camp for adult chronic psychiatric patients. Hospital and Community Psychia- try. 36(6): 746-748. Barker, B.; Weisman, M. 1966. Resi- dential camping: imaginative pro- gram helps chronic mental pa- tients. Journal of Rehabilitation. 32: 26-27. Bergan, J. F. 1958. Day camp in Con- necticut. Mental Hospital. 9: 12-13. Bernstein, A. 1972. Wilderness as a therapeutic behavior setting. Th- erapeutic Recreation Journal. 6: 160-161. Campbell, D. T.; Stanley, J. C. 1963. Experimental and quasi-experi- mental designs for research. Chi- cago: Rand McNally College Pub- lishing Co. Caplan, R. 1967. Tent treatment for the insane. Hospital and Commu- nity Psychiatry. 18: 145-146. Clark, E. T. 1977. The outdoors as a therapeutic environment. The California State Psychologist. March, 9. George, G. R.; Gibson, R. W. 1959. Patient-staff relationships change with environment. Mental Hospi- tal. 10: 18-19. Gibson, P. M. 1979. Therapeutic as- pects of wilderness programs: a comprehensive literature review. Therapeutic Recreation Journal. 13: 21-33. Jerstad, L.; Stelzer, J. 1973. Adven- ture experiences as treatment for residential mental patients. Thera- peutic Recreation Journal. 7: 8-11. Kistler, K. S.; Bryant, P. M.; Tucker, G. J. 1977. Outward Bound— pro- viding a therapeutic experience for 101 troubled adolescents. Hospital and Community Psychiatry. 28(11): 807-812. Langer, E. J.; Rodin, J. 1976. The ef- fects of choice and enhanced per- sonal responsibility for the aged: a field experiment in an institutional setting. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 34: 191-198. Lee, J. A. 1983. The group: a chance at human connection for the men- tally impaired older person. Social Work with Groups. 5(2): 43-55. Lowry, T. P. 1974. Camping as a short-term private psychiatric hos- pital. In: Lowry, T. P., ed. Camp- ing therapy: its uses in psychiatry and rehabilitation. Illinois: Charles C. Thomas. McDonald, M. C. 1974. Adventure camping at Oregon State Hospital. In: Lowry, T. P., ed. Camping therapy: its uses in psychiatry and rehabilitation. Illinois: Charles C. Thomas. McFarland, F.; Martin, R.; Williams, T. 1967. Staff attitudes and patient behavior on a camping trip. Hos- pital and Community Psychiatry. 18: 296-298. McNeil, E. B. 1957. The background of therapeutic camping. Journal of Social Issues. 13: 3-14. Muller, D. J. 1971. Post-camping de- pression: a lethal possibility. American Journal of Psychiatry. 128: 141-143. Neffinger, J. W.; Schiff, J. W.; Abrams, S. 1984. The wilderness challenge: an adjunctive treat- ment. In: Pepper, B.; Rygiewicz, H., eds. Advances in treating the young adult chronic patient, new directions for Mental Health Serv- ices. No. 21, March. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Orbach, C. E. 1966. Camping experi- ences for psychiatric patients. Journal of Psychiatric Nursing. 4: 571-585. Peterson, B. F.; Acuff, S. H. 1955. An experiment in living. Mental Hos- pital. 6: 8-9. Ramsey, G. B. 1969. Sociotherapeutic camping for the mentally ill. In: Bindman, A. J.; Siegel, A. D., eds. Perspectives in community mental health. Chicago: Aldine. Reitman, E. E.; Pokorny, A. D. 1974. Camping as a psychiatric day cen- ter. In: Lowry, T. P., ed. Camping therapy: its uses in psychiatry and rehabilitation. Illinois: Charles C. Thomas. Remar, M. E.; Lowry, T. P. 1974. Camping therapy in the common- wealth of Massachusetts. In: Lowry, T. P., ed. Camping ther- apy: its uses in psychiatry and re- habilitation. Illinois: Charles C. Thomas. Rerek, M. P. 1973. Senior citizen camping: an innovative program in community psychiatry. Journal of the Bronx State Hospital. 1: 85- 87. Shearer, R. 1975. Camping as a thera- peutic experience for depressed and schizophrenic patients. Hospi- tal and Community Psychiatry. 26: 494-497. Smith, B. K. 1959. Patients go camp- ing in Texas. Mental Hospital. 10: 16-17. Stich, T. F. 1983. Experiential ther- apy. Journal of Experiential Edu- cation. Winter: 23-30. Stich, T. F.; Senior, S. 1984. Adven- ture therapy: an innovative treat- ment for psychiatric patients. In: Pepper, B.; Rygiewicz, H., eds. Advances in treating the young adult chronic patient, new direc- tions for Mental Health Services. No. 21, March. San Francisco: Jos- sey-Bass. Thomas, J. C. 1981. Treed? Bushed? Stoned? Implications of cognitive psychology for wilderness ther- apy. Presented at the second an- nual convention of the wilderness psychology group; Missoula, MT. Turner, A. L. 1976. The therapeutic value of nature. Journal of Opera- tional Psychiatry. 7: 64-74. Turtle, L. P.; Terry, D.; Schinedling, M. M. 1975. Note on increase of social interaction of mental pa- tients during a camping trip. Psy- chological Reports. 36: 77-78. Weisman, M. N.; Mann, L.; Barker, B. W. 1966. Camping: an approach to releasing human potential in chronic mental patients. American Journal of Psychiatry. 123: 166-172. Whittekin, R. G. 1967. Imaginative themes enliven day camp. Hospi- tal and Community Psychiatry. 8: 237-238. 102 An Eighteen-Year Investigation of "Wilderness Therapy" Robert (greenway1 Abstract.— The paper summarizes research aspects of an 18-year wilderness "growth program" taking place mostly within a university psychology department. It is based on data collected from over 600 participants out of the approximately 1 ,200 who have been through the program. The roots of this particular ap- proach were drawn from Peace Corps training projects with which the author was involved in the 1960's and began in earnest in 1969 within the university setting. Since that time, usually two or three 2-week wilderness field trips per year have been conducted, primarily with en- rolled students who are psychology majors, but often including "outside" wilderness leaders interested in our particular approach. In addition, trips of 7-28 days have been con- ducted, some without food or equip- ment, and some with high-school students and with the general public. The trips are quite popular within the university setting; usually two to three times as many students as can be taken are turned down. Thus, there is a rigorous selection process. The preparation period for partici- pants lasts no less than 2 months, of- ten 4 months, and sometimes as long as 6-8 months. Periodic meetings in- clude information on equipment, diet, physical and psychological preparation, intensive group process, trial hikes, etc. Students may be re- jected as "not sufficiently prepared" by the leaders. Most groups are 13-14 people, including two leaders, never more than 16, and sometimes as few as 10-12. Trips consist of moving 12-20 miles into isolated and little-used wilderness areas, often overland, ^Department of Psychology.(§onoma State University, Rohnert Park, CA?\ away from trails, establishing base camps, undertaking structured ac- tivities of a ritual and psychological nature, preparing for and experienc- ing "alone time" (usually lasting 3 days and 3 nights), and then a "ritu- alized" return. Equipment is very carefully at- tended to — it is assumed that the maximum safety for all weather con- ditions has been achieved. (Trips conducted in spring and fall almost always run into storms, often severe, including snow conditions.) Diet is carefully planned, restricted to "just enough," and controlled. Most per- sonal items are not allowed, such as flashlights, paper, writing materials, toilet articles, etc. Although most participants go on only one trip, approximately 10% continue on one or more additional trips, especially those "in training" to become wilderness leaders. The trips are described as "psy- chological growth and exploration trips" and are seen by participants in a variety of ways: a chance to de- stress, to unwind, get clear, gain a new perspective, etc.; as a spiritual journey — a chance to reconnect, to heal, etc.; or social — a chance to get close to a group, to experience com- munity, etc.; very few participants speak of learning about wilderness — it is taken for granted, or seen as a means to an end, reflecting the psy- chological bias (as opposed to bio- logical or ecological) of this ap- proach. Objectives From the beginning and ongoing, an attempt has been made to re- search this approach. Objectives have been to explore the psychology of the wilderness experience; to attempt to identify behaviors occurring natu- rally in wilderness settings that do not occur in other settings; to ques- tion the popular assumption that the wilderness experience is "healing," personally and socially beneficial, etc.; and to attempt a more informed perspective on contemporary civili- zation and current evolutionary path. Methods Over 600 detailed questionnaires have been collected and over 600 in- tensive interviews conducted. Over 50 "longitudinal" studies, some for as long as 14 years, have been con- ducted. Initial studies were com- prised of the above, plus various preference scales, personality tests, and extensive background informa- tion. Commencing 6 years ago, in addi- tion to the above, more phenomenol- ogical and cognitive approaches were used, based in part on construct theory, cognitive mapping, semantic differential, etc. Coupled with this has been collections of stories and poetry in an attempt to explore the "cultural-mythological maps" that shape the construction of reality. 103 Commencing 3 years ago, as the theoretical base evolved into recent work in transpersonal psychology, the attempt has been made to ex- trapolate from techniques used to assess meditation, drug, extreme ath- letic, yogic, and other so-called "al- tered states." Results Following is a sampling of some of the more notable findings from the research: • Ninety percent of partici- pants described increased sense of "aliveness," awak- eness, well being, etc. • Ninety percent described the breaking of an addiction (re- duced to continuing free- dom, 60% in longitudinal studies). • Eighty-one percent described increased sense of empower- ment. • Eighty percent found the re- turn initially joyful, but shortly (within several hours to 48 hours) fell into depres- sion, sometimes severe. • Seventy-seven percent de- scribed "major life changes" upon return — changes in per- sonal relationships (change of partners, etc.), changes in employment or direction of life work, changes in housing or life style, changes in aca- demic progress (mostly negative). • Seventy percent of those tested for stress before and after (approximately 110 par- ticipants) showed an initial lowering of stress immedi- ately upon return, then a rise of stress higher than before the trip, with a gradual de- cline to about the pretrip rat- ing. • Women generally appeared to have a notably different wilderness experience than men. • Many data on various as- pects of the structure of the trips — effectiveness of prepa- ration period, various struc- tures utilized during trips, group relations, attitudes toward leaders and toward natural events. (Ninety-two percent cite "alone time" as the most important experi- ence.) • Many data correlating back- ground factors — age, previ- ous experience, spiritual practices, work, education, attitudes toward natural en- vironments, etc., with appar- ent effects of the trips. Discussion That there is a perceived "experi- ence of healing" there can be no doubt. But rather than the wilderness per se as a "healer," it is the combi- nation of activities undertaken — ranging from selection, preparation, the building of assumptions about the trips, through the structured and non-structured activities — that pro- vide the "growth" or "healing" expe- rience. In other words, it is suggested that much the same benefits could occur outside the wilderness, even within buildings or urban situations (which premise the author has tested). Wilderness may be the most efficient context for such changes, but not the only possibility, and perhaps a possibility more difficult to inte- grate than other contexts. Still, very profound cultural as- sumptions are made about the wil- derness experience and the effect of these assumptions are little under- stood. The most vivid question that should be raised about this approach has to do with the disjunction be- tween the wilderness and cultural contexts. It is this disjunction that calls into question the long range benefits of the wilderness experience. As opposed to most therapies, which basically facilitate adjustment to so- cietal norms, wilderness therapy cre- ates (or allows) changes and expecta- tions that, more or less, are incom- patible with today's societies, espe- cially those less wealthy than Amer- ica and western Europe. There is a hunger existing in our culture that is fueling the tremen- dous interest in the wilderness expe- rience. It is extremely important that we explore this hunger on its own ground, to look for solutions and healing within the culture, and to not presume that genuine healing can take place only within the tiny remnants of pristine nature left to us. We must avoid exploiting this hun- ger in order to create a profession based on unrevealed assumptions. And we must avoid exploiting the wilderness itself. It appears doubtful that the remaining remnant can begin to support the breadth and depth of healing that is needed. If in fact our contemporary culture is pathogenic (the nature-consciousness duality is the paradigm example), the question is whether fundamental aspects of this pathology can be changed, as an obvious artifact might be changed. To advocate an onslaught of activity into the wilderness as the only or best or even most efficient ground for healing will not only serve to de- stroy the remaining wilderness, to flood it with the symbolism of dual- ity, but will create an illusion that a temporary healing experience can change the immense, momentum- filled juggernaut of modern society. 104 Reducing Levels of Trait Anxiety Through the Application of Wilderness- Based Activities^ Alan^Ewert1 Abstract. —This study assessed the effect of participation in an outdoor recreation program using wilderness-based activities such as rock- climbing and solo camping. Two groups (treatment and control) were compared using the State-Trait Anxiety Inventory developed by Spielberger et al. (1970). Using analysis of covariance to compare the pre, post, and 1 -year follow-up scores, the group attending Outward Bound reported significant lower levels of Trait Anxiety than did the control group for the pre-post comparison. The purpose of this study was to determine if participation in Out- ward Bound reduced individual lev- els of fear and anxiety. Within the context of this study, fear and anxi- ety were held to be synonymous (Levitt 1980:9) and referred to a com- plex set of emotional and /or physio- logical responses caused by the per- ception of some danger or threat. Levels of fear and anxiety (herein summed under the label of anxiety) were chosen as the dependent vari- able, because while much has been written about the positive effect pro- grams such as Outward Bound have on self-concept and personal growth, to date there have been few studies done on the effect these programs have on anxiety levels. The Concept of Anxiety Anxiety is a complex set of behav- iors, pattern of arousal, and cogni- tions which have evolved so as to optimize the survival potential of a large number of species, including man. Within a behavioral context, responses to fear have included: flight, fight, freeze (tonic immobility), and feigning death (Ratner 1975). These behaviors are usually accom- panied by various patterns of activa- tions of the neuro-endocrine and pe- (USDA Forest Service, Pacific Southwest Forest and Range Experiment Station. River- side. C/O ripheral autonomic nervous systems (Gray 1974, Seyle 1950). As sug- gested by Mayes (1979), these re- sponses may have evolved to in- crease an organism's capacity to re- spond effectively in a danger situ- ation. From the cognitive perspective, anxiety is considered both a learned response (Schachter and Singer 1962) and a powerful antecedent in deter- mining what an individual will think and do (Izard and Tomkins 1966). Moreover, anxiety owes its existence to feelings of cognitive uncertainty concerning the exact nature of the danger, how the individual will react, and what will happen. A para- digmatic example of fear is provided by Kenny (1963) in which fearful cir- cumstances (perceptions of danger or threat) produce symptoms of fear (e.g., elevated heart rate) followed by an action related to the object such as not enrolling in the program (behav- ior). It is at any one of these three points or a combination thereof from which a number of psychological ap- proaches to reducing fear have evolved. Currently, there is little consensus on what distinguishes emotional from non-emotional states and one emotion (e.g., fear) from another (e.g., excitement). James (1884) ex- pressed the belief that we are afraid because of the perception feedback from physiological changes precipi- tated by an emotional stimulus. For example, according to this theory, individuals feel fear because they can sense a faster heart beat or elevated breathing rate, hence their internal feedback system tells them they must be afraid (Mayes 1979). Added to by Lange (1885), the James-Lange theory of emotions has been influential in subsequent thinking about emotions such as fear. This theory states that emotions, such as fear, are really feedback from the autonomic-endo- crinal responses by emotional stim- uli. Different emotions can be distin- guished by different patters of acti- vation. While eliciting the same types of responses, fear feels different from anger, because it produces a different pattern of activation. Later work by Schachter (1975) and Valins (1970) suggested that while the intensity of an emotion was determined by the physiological arousal, the particular emotion expe- rienced was dependent on a cogni- tive context. In other words, a person could feel afraid, physiologically, and learn to be afraid, cognitively. Lazarus (1975) supported this con- tention by suggesting that a cognitive appraisal of a threatening situation lead to a physiological activation. This fact has some implications for the outdoor therapeutic setting, since many outdoor recreation endeavors involve activities which can be fear- producing such as white-water ca- noeing, rock-climbing, or wilderness camping. Given the adventurous sur- roundings and obvious perceptions of danger, these activities could be 105 used to provide a fear-provoking but controlled environment. Elaborating on previous findings, Gray (1974) has suggested that fear- provoking stimuli fall into one of four categories: intensity, novelty, special evolutionary dangers, and social interaction. While electrical shock using rats has been the most often studied modality (Mackintosh 1974) within outdoor recreation set- tings, intensity overload has been de- scribed by Csikszentmihalyi (1975). One interesting aspect of intensity is the fear-provoking nature of a lack of stimulation. Fear of darkness may be part of this lack of intensity phe- nomenon. Novelty has a fear-produc- ing stimuli that can be divided into unfamiliar places or things, new ob- jects in a familiar place, or a different procedure in a familiar place. Berlyne (1960) reports that novelty frequently elicits exploratory behav- ior. This exploratory behavior, in turn, can result in greater knowledge and competence of the individual organism, a point which has some important ramifications for the thera- peutic uses of adventure activities. Special evolutionary dangers in- clude particular situations which have proved to be hazardous in the past. Within the recreational setting, some of these hazards include: ava- lanches, fast or deep water, and fall- ing. Interestingly, it is these special dangers which attract a growing number of recreational enthusiasts within the spectrum of Outdoor Ad- venture Recreation (Ewert 1985). A growing number of organizations involved in recreation and leisure services have incorporated ropes courses, mountain-climbing, and white-water activities as methods to help their participants develop skills, experience personal development, improve group interaction, and test themselves. Social interaction, according to Hauck (1975), can lead to the most common types of fear, rejection, and failure. In a similar fashion, Epstein (1976) suggested that while fears in animals are related to life and limb, people in contemporary society face fears primarily linked with threat to one's ego. In addition, Russell (1979) reported that interaction can also present sources of novelty both in terms of movement and recognition. More specifically, in the outdoor rec- reation setting, Ewert (1987) reported that these fears can be translated into operational concerns of: keeping oth- ers from reaching their objectives, not fitting in with the group, and not being recognized by the group. The Acquisition and Reduction of Fear A number of theories have emerged explaining how people ac- quire fear. Revolving around a "na- ture versus nurture" controversy, fear acquisition has been described as innate (inherited) fears supported by Hebb (1946) and Tinbergen (1951). In addition, becoming afraid has been considered a classical condi- tioned response/avoidance (Eysenck and Rachman 1965, Mowrer 1939, Watson 1924) in which an action leads to a frightening experience and, with enough reinforcement, is later avoided or viewed as dangerous. For example, people who experience a scare while in the water will often consider canoeing or rafting as a frightening activity. Rachman (1977) suggests that in- formational and educational proc- esses also contribute to fear acquisi- tion. While this is not always effec- tive, intuition and experience would suggest that such is often the case. The phrase, "Don't climb up there, you'll fall and get hurt," is but one example of this acquisition phenome- non in both nature (innate fear such as fear of snakes) and nurture (learn- ing to fear social encounters). Rachman (1974) suggests three clinical techniques used in reducing fear. These techniques include: sys- tematic desensitization, flooding, and modeling. Systematic desensitization involves a gradual exposure to a fearful situation in which the individ- ual attempts to modify his or her cognitive, emotional reactions and physical responses. Flooding in- volves a prolonged exposure to a fearful situation through which the sensitivity to fear is dramatically blunted. Related to the previous methods is modeling. This technique involves the transmitting of new cop- ing behaviors to the client via experi- ential learning and practice. To a certain extent, all these thera- peutic modalities utilize the proxim- ity concept advocated by Carr (1979) and Seligman (1975). Proximity refers to spatial, temporal, or functional re- lationship. In other words, the closer a fear-producing object is in distance, time, or functionality, the greater the fear. While distance and time are self-explanatory, functionality refers to the relationship between an activ- ity and an anticipated result. For ex- ample, rock-climbing elicits fear in many individuals because of the an- ticipated relationship between failing and unpleasant results. Therapeuti- cally, the fear-reducing techniques previously mentioned use the con- cept of proximity to connect the client to the fear-provoking situation (systematic desensitization and flooding) and to break the condition- response cycle by demonstrating coping strategies (modeling) many of the more recent fear and stress re- duction techniques utilize such as autogenic suggestion and progres- sive relaxation — facets of desensitiz- ing, flooding, or modeling. Underlying this study is the fact that these techniques are not only confined to the clinician's office, but are also used in a number of thera- peutic outdoor programs such as Outward Bound. Although not given a technical nomenclature, desensiti- zation, flooding, and modeling are often incorporated into program ac- tivities and used by instructor per- sonnel as ways to enable students to overcome their fears and inhibitions in social and physical environments 106 (Ewert 1987). While these techniques have proven effective in a clinical set- ting, to date there is no evidence re- lating how effective these techniques are in an outdoor recreation setting. Despite the paucity of verified sup- porting data on fear reduction in an outdoor setting, many organizations promote their programs as opportu- nities to develop personal compe- tence and, presumably, reduce fear. Methodology The Setting Outward Bound is an outdoor rec- reation-based program specifically designed to promote personal growth and self-confidence. Devel- oped in 1941, the Outward Bound concept has developed into 5 schools within the United States and over 30 schools worldwide. A commonality underlying all of these schools is the Outward Bound process. According to Walsh and Gollins (1975), the process consists of placing the learner into a unique social and physical setting. This often means small groups of people engaging in outdoor recreation activities such as river-rafting, canoeing, or mountain- climbing, often in wilderness areas. As part of a small group (5-10 people), the learner is then given a set of progressively more difficult tasks, such as wilderness navigation or solo activities. These activities are designed to promote self-confidence and feelings of personal efficacy. It is hoped that these newly-developed skills and attitudes will carry over to the learner's everyday life. Intrinsic to these benefits is the assumption that increasing self-confidence also reduces levels of various fears. The Sample During the summer of 1985, stu- dents from two Outward Bound schools (Colorado and North Caro- lina Outward Bound) were queried. The study sample consisted of stu- dents who either participated in one of the two Outward Bound schools (Treatment Group) or registered for a course but did not complete or at- tend the course (Control Group). This process was utilized to achieve some similarity in terms of attitude or proclivity to attend an Outward Bound experience. Admittedly, the receptiveness toward participating in a program like Outward Bound cre- ates external validity concerns since, quite possibly, other segments of a population universe may not be as inclined to participate or as receptive toward this type of programming for modifying levels of fear. Instrument To obtain a quantitative measure- ment representing a level of fear, a modified State-Trait Anxiety Inven- tory (STAI) was utilized. Originally constructed by Spielberger et al. (1970), the STAI was developed as a research instrument for investigating anxiety and fear phenomena in "nor- mal" (non-psychiatrically disturbed) adults. The STAI has been useful with a variety of populations. The STAI is comprised of two separate self-report scales for meas- uring two distinct anxiety concepts: state and trait anxieties. State anxiety refers to a condition of the individual which is characterized as a subjec- tive, consciously perceived feeling of tension and apprehension which var- ies over time and circumstance. The state scale consists of 20 statements seeking information concerning how the individual generally feels at that particular moment. The Trait Anxiety Scale consists of 20 statements which measure how a person generally feels. Trait Anxiety refers to a behavioral disposition to- ward anxiety which is relatively stable and not prone to extremes in deviation. As suggested by Campbell (1963), "acquired behavioral disposi- tions" such as Trait Anxiety reflect an individual's past experience and are manifested by consistent re- sponses toward particular objects or situations. As reported in previous research (Crume and Ellis 1984, Ewert 1987), individuals in wilderness-based pro- grams report a variety of fears and levels of fear. Since many of these fears are situational-dependent, such as fear of not keeping up with the group, they are appropriately de- fined as state anxieties. Because the purpose of this study was to ascer- tain the effect of participation in these types of programs upon the overall level of fear of the individual, the trait anxiety scale of the STAI was used. Originally designed as a four- point Likert Scale, one modification was done on the instrument for this study. The four-point Likert format was replaced by a 10-cm line, an- chored by the statements "strongly agree" and "strongly disagree." Par- ticipants were asked to place a slash (/) across the line in the area that best represented their feelings about a particular item. This format was chosen to provide a more precise measurement of each response (Fowler 1984). To determine if any changes in levels of anxiety were actually ob- served, course instructors were asked via a similar questionnaire to rate their students as to types and levels of fear they had observed at course beginning and immediately after course ending. To avoid any interaction effect, the instructors did not see how their students rated themselves either before or after the course, and the students did not know the instructors were rating them. It was recognized that the in- structors' ratings may be subject to bias in that the instructors may have a vested interest in showing that par- ticipation in Outward Bound reduces levels of fear. To offset this bias, the instructors' responses were anony- mously recorded. To provide stan- 107 dardization definitions of fear and criteria for observation of fear, the course instructors were all briefed by the researcher just prior to the begin- ning of the course. Results Of the 550 individuals queried, 393 responded with usable question- naires (response rate = 71%). Of this group, 352 individuals had com- pleted their Outward Bound course (89%) and were considered the treat- ment group. Forty-one question- naires (out of 73 total, 56%) were re- ceived from individuals who applied but did not attend or complete a course (10%). These individuals formed the nontreatment group. Of the total number of respondents, 239 were male (61%) and 154 were fe- male (39%). The mean age of the re- spondents was 21.05 years. Because levels of fear on the post and follow-up measures were con- sidered partly a function of initial fear level as well as a function of the treatment effect, the analysis of co- variance (ANCOVA) was considered the most appropriate statistical treat- ment for the control of the initial dif- ferences in levels of fear. As sug- gested by Wildt and Ahtola (1978), three assumptions were established prior to using an ANCOVA. All three assumptions were met with re- spect to homogeneity of variance (Bartlett-Box: F = 1.56, p = .212), homogeneity of regression (F = 3.11, p = .080), and linearity between the covariate and dependent variables (scatter diagram). A Chronbach's al- pha of .78 was generated. Having met the initial assump- tions, a repeated measure of AN- COVA was conducted using the pre- course scores on the STAI (trait anxi- eties) as the covariate. The depend- ent variables were the post (immedi- ately after the course ended) and fol- low-up (1 year after the ending of the course) scores. After equating both the treatment and nontreatment groups on the pre-course anxiety scores, significant differences were generated on the post-course scores (F = 7.75, df = 1/158, p = .006). Sig- nificant differences were not noted on the 1-year follow-up scores (F = .01, df = 1/158, p = .954). The means and adjusted means on the generated scores are shown in table 1. As table 1 indicates, the group that received the treatment (i.e., Outward Bound course) displayed significant reductions in the post-treatment scores when compared with the non- treatment group. One year after the course ended, these differences were not statistically significant, although the levels of trait anxiety for the treatment group were still lower than the non-treatment group. A paired t- test on the treatment group indicated a significant reduction in the Trait Anxiety scores between the pre- and post-scores (t = 3.47, p = .002). This finding was corroborated by the be- havioral observation scale distrib- uted to the course instructors. Course instructors reported signifi- cant reductions in mean levels of anxiety of their students [pre-course r Table ;l:~RefDee low-up scores o Source Post Anxiety level Pre-score Slope consto Follow-up Anxiety level Pre-score 'Significant diff< jslng post and fol- al scores. 45 df 768.81 8,921.54 .50 89.94 000 47.25 .000 •Repeated measures anal :ores with levels of gender df f covariance using post and fol- se type, and age on anxiety. 1 Gender Type Gender by type Age Gender by age Type by age Gender by type by age »llow-up Gender by type Age Gender by age Type by age Gender by type by age 61.91 91.56 4.95 1845 258.22 65.69 38.99 0.03 59,69 439.01 380.59 711.21 0.96 ,08 .58 86 .05 ,17 2.43 ,62 II ,00 . ,40 2,96 2;57 479 .00 78 .45 36 M ,68 .12 ,43 11 99 m .09 .11 ,03" 93 w Ifev 11 'Significant differences at ,05 level. 108 = 47.62 (n = 90), immediately after the course = 37.71 (n = 53), t = 4.21, p = .000]. To determine whether gen- der, course length, or age had any effect on trait anxiety levels within the treatment group, a three-way ANCOVA was performed on the data. Course length was collapsed into categories: short course = 5-9 days, regular length courses = 15-24 days. Age was dichotomized into two categories: 15-20 years old and 21 or older. When adjusted on the pre-course scores (covariate), no significant dif- ferences were noted for the variables of gender, course length, or age. A significant interaction effect of course length by age category was gener- ated for the follow-up scores (F = 4.79, df = 1/126, p = .031). As seen in table 2, 1 year after the course end, it would appear that adult students who took a longer course reported less trait anxiety than adults who participated in a shorter course. With respect to the younger student, the reverse was true. Those individuals who took a longer course reported higher levels of trait anxiety 1 year after their Outward Bound experi- ence, although this effect was mini- mal. Discussion The process used by Outward Bound and many other outdoor-re- lated organizations places individu- als in an often unique social and physical setting and places before them a series of physically and emo- tionally challenging tasks. These tasks are, in part, designed to create a sense of cognitive dissonance which, when resolved, results in feel- ings of personal competence and mastery. Drawing heavily on Ban- dura's (1977) model of self-efficacy, the individual is aided in developing these feelings of competence and mastery by personal accomplishment and involvement. It is this accom- plishment and involvement that pro- vides the underlying foundation through which an individual can change, both in attitude and behav- ior. In addition, this involvement through direct participation action and successful acquisition of a set of progressively more difficult goals can enhance the more traditional forms of fear therapy: desensitiza- tion, flooding, and modeling. Indeed, one does not have to observe an Out- ward Bound or similar program for long to realize that these clinical th- erapies are often utilized. The differ- ence between the clinicians couch and outdoor program being one of setting and level of sophistication. Given this fact, the results of the study are not unexpected. The results of this study are also suggestive of the thought that be- cause of the direct involvement and behavioral action aspects of pro- grams involving outdoor recreation activities, effective therapeutic meth- ods of attitudinal and behavioral modification can be utilized. A note of caution, however, needs to be made at this point. Rachman (1974) reports that subjective reports of fear are often quite different than the ob- served physiological responses. Pre- vious studies using written instru- ments or interviews have suggested that people will generally underesti- mate their level of courage. Con- versely, their behaviors will gener- ally indicate an underestimation of the level of fear they have for a par- ticular activity or situation. Other- wise, individuals are more likely to say (either verbally or in writing) they are more afraid than they actu- ally are and engage in activities in which they are more afraid than they actually appear. Consequently, a written instrument, including this one, may not be an accurate measure of the strength of the changes in lev- els of fear. Thomson (1979) suggests that the frequency and significance of an action may be a better indicator of emotional strength than an examina- tion of inner feelings or physical re- sponses. Also related to this issue is the widely held knowledge that be- haviors, beliefs, and attitudes are not always congruent or even comple- mentary (Henerson et al. 1979). In addition, one problem com- monly faced in the behavioral sci- ences is also present in this study, namely the veracity of the measuring variables (i.e., the modified STAI scale) in correctly identifying the la- tent property (i.e., the construct of fear). According to Ratner (1975), the construct of fear is composed of four components — the subjective experi- ence of fear, associated physiological changes, outward expressions of fear (e.g., talkativeness, inability to con- centrate, etc.), and attempts to cope with or eliminate the source of the fear. To fully understand the effects of outdoor activities upon the levels of fear, a series of research efforts need to be conducted, each testing one or some combination of these components. This experiment ad- dressed only the first — the subjective experience of fear. As a final note, the findings of this study were not solely isolated to a tabulation on a computer printout. The participants (treatment group) of these courses were engaged in activi- ties which demanded a high degree of physical and mental involvement. As previously indicated, this involve- ment can often manifest itself in feel- ings of competence and mastery. A substantial amount of previous re- search (Ewert 1983, Thomas 1985) has suggested that programs such as Outward Bound can act as catalysts for positive changes in both attitude and behavior. There are two points which have emerged from this study which have significance for future work in outdoor recreation social sci- ence research. First, as the data sug- gest, programs involving outdoor recreational activities such as rock- climbing may not only be useful in improving an individual's self-con- cept, but may also be valuable in re- ducing overall levels of trait fear and anxiety. In addition, it should be noted that in this case, as in many 109 others, the outdoor recreation setting may provide a more realistic study environment than the more tradi- tional rat maze. If researchers are concerned with human interactions and behaviors, the recreation setting can often provide an arena in which people can readily be observed inter- acting with each other and the envi- ronment. Literature Cited Bandura A. 1977. Self efficacy: to- ward a unifying theory of behav- ioral change. Physiological Re- view. 84: 191-215. Berlyne, D. 1960. Conflict, arousal and curiosity. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill. Campbell, D. 1963. Social attitudes and other acquired behavioral dis- positions. In: Koch, S., ed. Psychol- ogy: a study of a science. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill. 6: 94-172. Carr, A. 1979. The psychopathology of fear. In: Sluckin, W., ed. Fear in animals and man. New York, NY: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company: 199-235. Crume, C; Ellis, G. 1984. Dimensions of wilderness anxieties of junior high school students. Paper pre- sented at the National recreation and park association leisure re- search symposium. Csikszentmihalyi, M. 1975. Beyond boredom. San Francisco, Jossey- Bass. Epstein, S. 1976. Anxiety, arousal and the self-concept. In: Sarason, I.; Spielberger, C, eds. Stress and anxiety (vol. 3). Washington, DC: Hemisphere Publishing Company. Ewert, A. 1983. Outdoor adventure and self-concept: a research analy- sis. Eugene, OR: Center for Lei- sure Studies, Univ. of Oregon. Ewert, A. 1985. Riskrecreation: trends and issues. Trends. 22(3): 4-9. Ewert, A. 1987. Fear and anxiety in environmental education pro- grams. The Journal of Environ- mental Education. 18(1): 33-39. Eysenck, H.; Rachman, S. 1965. The causes and cures of neurosis. Lon- don: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Fowler, F. 1984. Survey research methods. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications, Applied Social re- search Methods Series, Vol. 1. Gray, J. 1974. The psychology of fear and stress. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill. Hauck, P. 1975. Overcoming worry and fear. Philadelphia, PA: West- minster Press. Hebb, D. 1946. On the nature of fear. Psychological Review. 53: 250-275. Henerson, M.; Morris, L.; Fitz-Gib- bon, C. 1979. How to measure atti- tudes. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications. Izard, C; Thomkins, S. 1966. Affect and behavior: Anxiety as a nega- tive affect. In: Spielberger, C, ed. Anxiety and behavior. New York: Academic Press. James, W. 1884. What is emotion? Mind. 9: 188-205. Kenny, A. 1963. Action, emotion and will. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Lange, C. 1885. Om sindsbeaegelser, et psykofysiolgisk studie. Copen- hagen: Kronar. Lazarus, R. 1975. A cognitively ori- ented psychologist looks at bio- feedback. American Psychologist. 30:553-561. Levitt, E. 1980. The psychology of anxiety. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Publishers. Mackintosh, N. 1974. The psychology of animal learning. London: Aca- demic Press. Mayes, A. 1979. The physiology of fear and anxiety. In: Sluckin, W., ed. Fear in animals and man. New York, NY: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company: 24-55. Mowrer, 0. 1939. A stimulus-re- sponse analysis of anxiety and its role as a reinforcing agent. Psy- chological Review. 46: 553-564. Rachman, S. 1974. The meanings of fear. Baltimore: Penguin Books, Inc. Rachman, S. 1977. The conditioning theory of fear-acquisition: a critical examination. Behavioral Research and Therapy. 15: 375-387. Ratner, S. 1975. Animals' defenses: fighting in predator-prey relations. In: Pliner, P.; Krames, L.; Alloway, J., eds. Advances in the study of communication and affect, vol. 2: non-verbal communication of ag- gression. New York, NY: Plenum Press. Russell, P. 1979. Fear-evoking stim- uli. In: Sluckin, W., ed. Fear in ani- mals and man. New York, NY: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company: 86-124. Schachter, S. 1975. Cognition and peripheralist-centralist controver- sies in motivation and emotion. In: Gazzaniga, M.; Blakemore, C, eds. Handbook of psychobiology. New York, NY: Academic Press. Schachter, S.; Singer, J. 1962. Cogni- tive social and physiological deter- minants of emotional state. Psy- chological Review 69:379-399. Seligman, S. 1975. Helplessness: on depression, development and death. San Francisco, CA: Free- man. Seyle, H. 1950. The physiology and pathology of exposure to stress. Montreal, Canada: ACTA, Inc. Spielberger, C; Gorsuch, R.; Lush- ene, R. 1970. STAI manual. Palo Alto, CA: Consulting Psycholo- gists Press, Inc. Thomas, S., comp. 1985. Adventure education: a bibliography. Amherst, NY: Institute on Class- room Management School Disci- pline, State University of New York at Buffalo. Thomson, R. 1979. The concept of fear. In: Sluckin, W., ed. Fear in animals and man. New York, NY: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company: 1-23. Tinbergen, N. 1951. The study of in- stinct. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Valins, S. 1970. The perception and labeling of bodily changes as de- terminants of emotional behavior. In: Black, P., ed. Physiological cor- relates of emotion. New York, NY: Academic Press. 110 Walsh, V.; Gollins, G. 1975. The ex- ploration of the Outward Bound process. Denver, CO: Colorado Outward Bound. Watson, J. 1924. Psychology from the standpoint of a behavioralist, 2nd ed. Philadelphia, PA: Lippincott. Wildt, A.; Ahtola, 0. 1978. analysis of covariance. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications. T Wilderness Awakening: Probation Counseling and the Wilderness— /^Dynamic Tearrv Robert C.lcallahan, Jr.1 Abstract.— A wilderness probation program has tied court obligations of juvenile offenders to participation in wilderness activities, expeditions, and adventure-based family counseling, along with their parents, over a 6- to 9-month period. These dynamic intervention techniques Are designed to reach dysfunctional families, aggressive adolescents, sex offenders, and substance abusers. The program contributes to a significant decrease in criminal activity and an increase in self-esteem and school attendance for juvenile participants. For the past 12 years the Virginia Beach Juvenile and Domestic Rela- tions District Court has had a very innovative treatment program to re- fer clients of the probation depart- ment. This program is one of the very few forms of wilderness proba- tion, where the client's court coun- selor and wilderness instructor is the same person. The client's progress in the program and its activities are di- rectly related to their court obliga- tions. The program is year-round with three long-term groups of 10 clients and their parents. They are together for 6-9 months. They meet weekly in groups. The clients attend one wil- derness outing a month and a 12-day expedition in the summer. Some do several long winter weekends in the cold months. The parent group goals are: 1. To learn that they are not alone. 2. Strengthen parent skills. 3. Build parent's self-esteem and confidence. 4. Learn how to work with the justice system. 5. Review and support pro- gram goals and objectives. We do adventure-based family counseling in the outdoor setting. Parents review program activities 1 Wilderness Therapy East Virginia Beach, VA. through slides, video tape, and inter- views with kids. The adolescent goals are: 1. Learn to be part of a group. 2. Learn coping and problem solving skills. 3. Learn wilderness skills to enhance personal life skills. 4. Learn trust of self and others. 5. Add structure to their lives. The physical wilderness activities are: Rock-climbing Biking Running Caving Canoeing Day hikes Cross-country Service projects skiing. Sea Kayaking Backpacking. Each activity has specific counsel- ing objectives and is tied to the client's service plan, which is an ac- tion plan to deal with the client's counseling needs. Other types of evaluative information are: 1. During treatment phase, 84% decrease in criminal activi- ties; 2. Decrease in absenteeism and negative remarks from school; 3. Positive self-image; increase in physical fitness; 4. General increase in family communication; and 5. Greater awareness of the wil- derness. The Virginia Department of Cor- rections has been very supportive of the use of Wilderness Outdoor Ad- venture programs in its Division of Youth Services. The Department helped found the Virginia Council of Outdoor Adventure Education. It has encouraged hard and soft skill train- ing for Outdoor staff, sent staff to Outward Bound, and developed spe- cial training classes at its Academy for staff development. In 1985 it de- veloped the State Wilderness Task Force. This task force developed standards and guidelines and twice presented a state-wide conference where additional hard and soft skills training has been provided. The Di- vision of Youth Services, Department of Corrections now has a network of outdoor adventure programs ranging from local probation departments, group homes, less secure detention centers, special placement facilities, to State Learning Centers. The use of Wilderness Adventure Programs in the Virginia Department of Corrections began back in 1974. At that time there were two probation departments (Norfolk and Virginia Beach, Va.) that started similar pro- grams. This paper is about one of those programs, the Sierra II Wilder- ness Adventure Program of the Vir- 112 ginia Beach Juvenile Court Service Unit. This program was an attempt to reach dysfunctional families, ag- gressive adolescents, sex offenders and substance abusers. It was this author's opinion that traditional methods of probation just did not work. There needed to be a more dy- namic, all encompassing and exciting way to intervene in people's lives. This "dynamic" intervention was also necessary because: 1. The court forced this new life situation upon them because of a family member's actions. 2. There may have been some criminal involvement by clients. 3. Many had deep emotional problems. 4. Parents were at the "end of their rope." 5. Everyone's level of resistance was strong. 6. Domestic and marital prob- lems were high. It seemed clients came to the pro- bation department with a "stacked deck" already set up for failure. The wilderness has a way to soothe the ruffled feathers of both adult and adolescent clients. It is such a unique world in the Criminal Justice system. It lets clients know we have something special to offer. Most everyone likes or supports the out- doors, loves the mountains, likes to fish, hike, or canoe. When the client and his family hear a Judge agree to a referral to the Wilderness program, most all are willing to "take a chance" on this new idea. This pro- gram has several advantages over traditional probation. Some are: 1. It brings together parents with common problems. 2. It creates a long-term com- munity of those parents who in turn become a support group for its members. 3. This allows for a much broader scope of skills and resources for other clients and families as compared to the traditional one-to-one population. 4. It allows adolescents to see their parents working for a common goal. 5. It gives parents a chance to take care of themselves as well as family. Most of all they see their work guiding the criminal justice system. The basic idea of our program is simple. We take 10 clients and their families into two separate groups that meet twice each month for 6-9 months. The wilderness setting and outdoor activities are used to "stir them up" inside, to examine their physical and psychological limits, to learn problem solving and coping skills, then test them as a group in the wilderness. We take those lessons of life and apply them to "real life" situations specific to each client. All our out- door activities are tools to open doors of growth for our clients. Our outdoor activities are: Rock-climbing Canoeing Backpacking Bike touring Caving Cross-country skiing Service projects Family outings Family picnics Joint parent/ adolescent groups Running Program Methodology In March of 1985, the Program and this author celebrated 10 years of professional and personal growth. It is actually the 10th anniversary of the Sierra II Wilderness Adventure Pro- gram. The program has touched over 500 people in those 10 years. It seems appropriate at this time to look at this milestone as a point of self- evaluation. What has become of that man and his ideas; what about the program, its treatment methods, pro- gram activities, and staff? Most of all, does it work? What are some of the effects on clients and families of the Juvenile Court? The program has grown from a one-man-show to the present staff level of 17 — 3 paid staff and 14 con- sultants. Our consultants are volun- teers; some of the most dedicated volunteers in the Juvenile Court. They attend counseling training, wil- derness activity training, rescue, and first-aid training. Our consultants are not paid a fee for their involvement in the program, although the pro- gram does spend money on their training, transportation, and subsis- tence. The subsistence is basically the same as for our adolescent clients — your basic outdoor camping food, your clean sleeping bag, and tarp to sleep under. These volunteers have given thousands of hours of time over the last few years alone. One of the biggest attractions for volunteers is that our adolescent clients can see that these folks are doing something for them, not because they are being paid but because they want to. It helps us deal with family crises, par- enting problems, and relationship struggles. In the beginning, groups were open-ended as was the term of probation. The groups grew from 10 to 30 members. There were no parent groups, and outings were not very frequent. Volunteers were not steady or trained as they are today. One could say that the growth of the vol- unteer base and more secure funding has helped the program to evolve to a more structured and sophisticated treatment modality. Today the adolescent client groups are no larger than 11. We have up to three per year. Those groups do not mix with each other. They have twice monthly adolescent group meetings. They attend weekend outings once a month and attend a 12-day primitive 113 expedition in the summer. Some- times a group will cover the winter months and spend long trips over the holidays. We also have parent group meetings which meet twice a month. We find great support within the parents for these parent groups. It gives them chances to work with other parents, they see they are not alone, and they get to see how other folks deal with similar problems. Long-term change is more likely if the parents are involved, and through the parent group we get the entire family involved in the growth process. Some objectives for both groups are: 1. to educate all on the legal relationship of the Wilder- ness Program and the Court and to help explain what Wilderness probation is. 2. to deal with dynamic inter- ventions in folks' lives through group process, both adolescent and parent group process modality. 3. to develop trust between the Wilderness staff and our clients. 4. to become a dynamic force in order to improve life styles, behaviors, and attitudes. 5. to give clients and parents something exciting to look forward to down the road. There are several goals that the adolescent group is involved with. Some of those are: 1. to learn to feel comfortable as a member of a group. 2. to learn some techniques to deal with groups; this is one of the Sierra tools to help teach our clients ways to deal with peer pressure back out on the street. 3. to learn some Wilderness skills activities; this is done with a hands-on method, that is, learning by doing. 4. to help some of our adoles- cent clients learn of life-long leisure pursuits in hopes of filling some of their free time in productive ways. Another technique that has proven very effective is the ability to take the adolescent client out of the family setting and out of his community set- ting for these wilderness outings. This is a period of time-out, not only for the client but for the parent. There have been many times when family dysfunction and crises were avoided, prevented, or resolved be- cause the Sierra program had the ability to take adolescents out of the home for short periods of time. When the adolescent is taken out of the home, it is not just for vacation or recreation. The following are examples of goals for 12-day expeditions. All clients reach this 12-day expedition with some kind of prior training, be it in a group setting, at the ropes course, or small weekend expedi- tions prior to this long-term outing. All the logistics are planned prior to these outings with great input from the adolescent clients. As the plan- ning process becomes more complex and more sophisticated, the parents learn ways to supplement the plan- ning process. Still, the goal is learn- ing by doing. Also working together, planning, foresight, team work, and patience are tested as adolescents be- gin to plan the process. It is quite simple in the end: if you forget it, you don't have it; if you argue or fight, it is never solved. Another goal of long-term outings is to test the physical and psychological limits of our clients. We tell them that some- times you must go the extra yard to solve problems at home or school. When we push those physical and psychological limits out in the field, in the wilderness, we relate to them how that same effort can be used back home or at school. The typical 12-day Wilderness Ex- pedition would start with a 2- or 3- day backpacking trip. The staff would look for a rugged terrain or a long distance. During this backpack- ing trip, the group members would be responsible for determining how far they went, what direction they went by using a map and compass, and other techniques. They would carry in all their gear, supplies, and food and share the chores. The next 2 or 3 days involved a long-distance river trip. The clients would have to learn some canoeing skills and some cooperation skills by being able to work with another group member in their canoe. They would have to tie their gear and food inside the canoe. Other factors would become in- volved at this stage of the game; the weather, how well they have been working together as a team, how well each individual member has helped and supported the group, and how much direct or indirect guid- ance has been given by the staff. The next 3 days involved the climbs in our rock-climbing program. At this stage of the program our clients found themselves in the middle of Monongahela National Forest in West Virginia. We tried to maintain some distance from civiliza- tion. The rock-climbing program starts off with basic mountaineering techniques and easy climbs, proceeds to an introduction to multi-pitch climbing, and eventually leads to a summit assault of Seneca Rocks. The summit assault involves all-day climbing together as a team to reach the top of a 1,000-foot vertical cliff. Talking about your fears is one thing, living and learning with your fears is another. Certain staff mem- bers become technicians to make sure it is safe, other staff members are counselors to deal with the reasons why we are climbing. During an in- tense, long expedition, staff reserve at least 1 day as a student day to al- low the students to reflect on things 114 they have done, try something again that they have really enjoyed, or just relax. After the student day, it is typical of the program to do a caving day. We take our clients into wild non-commercial caves and study not only the cave's ecology but experi- ence total darkness during our explo- ration of the wild cave. On the very last day of all major expeditions, we do a mountain mara- thon with our clients. This mountain marathon is 12 miles or greater in length. Our clients are no strangers to running with us, as they have been running all during their involvement in the program. This mountain mara- thon is done in the back countries of West Virginia or western Virginia. The goal is not competition with each other but competition with yourself. Simply stated, the goal is to reach the other end. The only major rule is that you get there on your own power, that you do not hitchhike. All along the route staff are there with water and first-aid supplies. A staff person drives a van up and down the course and other staff members run with the kids. Most kids find the 12-mile mountain mara- thon is a bigger challenge than the things they have done previously. At the end of the mountain marathon, the staff provide a brunch for all the clients. Up to this date they had been eating camp food, freeze dried food, and whole food. On this day, we cook them up a traditional meal. After the meal we debrief the past 12 days and the mountain marathon and prepare our clients to return home. We discuss several things, some are: 1. returning to your family; 2. returning to your peer group; 3. how to explain your feelings and experiences of this expe- dition; and 4. most important of all, how to use those gains to make your life more effective at home, in school, with your friends, and on probation. Counseling System The major treatment method in group process is reality therapy and experiential education — learning by doing with natural and logical conse- quences for all actions and behavior. This requires a great deal of process observation by counselors and staff; frequent group meetings and indi- vidual sessions, especially while in the wilderness. Both the adolescent group and parent group spend a great deal of time discussing parent/ child problems, drugs, motivation, peers, school, and the pressure of growing up in the community. After a major trip we discuss with the parent group the specific counsel- ing goals and objectives that we had for all the wilderness activities. We use video tapes and slides to rein- force coping skills, brainstorming, and problem solving that could be used by the client and his parents to deal with similar issues at home or school. Does this innovative treat- ment work? In my opinion, it has strong and long-term effects on those who "see the light." Even for those folks who do not "see the light," there are dynamic interventions in their life that we feel surface later on as they mature. Many of our former Sierra II clients have graduated from high school and college. Several have made the military their career, some become managers in business, others have their own families, and we feel they are better parents because of their involvement. We have had sev- eral evaluations of this program over the many years. A recent Ph.D. can- didate from the University of Vir- ginia, learned several things doing her evaluation. A few points from her evaluation are (Weeks 1984, Uni- versity of Virginia): 1. During the treatment phase of the Sierra program, there is an 84% decrease in crimi- nal activity. 2. That there is significant in- crease in self-esteem and in- crease in school attendance. 3. That there is a significant de- cline in negative remarks by teachers, those remarks range from inattentiveness, to not being prepared for class, to not working up to potential. Other areas of improvement while involved in the Sierra Wilderness program are increased physical fit- ness, better self-esteem, and im- proved levels of control. One of the keys to the success of this program is the parent group. Nothing is more exciting than moti- vated, caring, loving, and supportive parents. The new energy and life of parents really fire up their kids. The supportive parent really increases the long term survival of any behavioral and attitudinal changes. We have learned that the parents enjoy shar- ing their experience and maturity, and their different methods of re- solving family and adolescent struggles. The parents also have time to relax, time not to worry about their kids, and have time to spend talking about those issues and prob- lems that they feel are important. We also encourage them to take care of themselves, take some time for hus- band and wife. The use of innovative and creative family counseling with the wilder- ness is another asset of wilderness probation. Families have to depend on each other to get chores done, to make a fire, to cook, and clean up. It strips folks of complex relationships created by society. It gives families time to look at each other, to talk, and observe. It also creates its own special environment. It gets dark when it gets dark. If it rains you get wet unless you are prepared. You 115 just cannot go to the refrigerator in the middle of the night. You do not have running water or toilets. In some ways it may heighten anxieties and frustrations, in other ways it makes life very simple. They can see each other succeed at something, to need each other, to have time for each other. One major key to our program is the frequent meetings with all con- cerned. Not only are there group meetings of parents and adolescents, but there are meetings in the office and homes for individual meetings. There are group meetings in the field, there are field trips to prisons and parks, schools, and visits to the United States Navy. We encourage involvement of other "significant" others in the child's life, be it grand- parents, aunts, uncles, or next door neighbor. We have even had in- volved employers of our clients come to meetings and graduations. Growth of Staff What of our young Director, now 12 years wiser? Our young Director has come a very long way, having reached several major life goals in that 12 years. One most obviously is the attainment of the Sierra II Wilder- ness Adventure Program as an inte- grated part of the Juvenile Court Service Unit, making it a legal form of wilderness probation. From some- thing that was offered to selected members of his caseload back in 1974 to a full-time, year-round treatment program of today. Our young Director was once the Virginia State Juvenile Officer of the Year and in that same year attended the International Wilderness Leader- ship School of South Africa on schol- arship because of the work and in- volvement he had done with Sierra II. And finally, in 1982 our young Di- rector received an award from the United States Department of Justice, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delin- quency Prevention, for outstanding contributions to the Juvenile Crimi- nal System. Although it took many years, it does seem that the hard work paid. The past 12 years have been an expe- rience that has molded our young Di- rector. A maturing growth occurred that was again focused on the Sierra II program. He learned to challenge the physical and psychological limits of the youth, to give time for self- evaluation, and to offer others a look inside themselves for happiness. There is a special part of our pro- gram that we call an "indabba," an African word that basically means all become one. It reminds the young man of the encounters that he so viv- idly lived while in South Africa. The "indabba" is our group meeting in the field. These are meetings that are called by staff or clients and are used to discuss, confer, praise, confront, and plan our days in the field. Our young Director has learned a great deal about himself and his profes- sion. He learned that his clients look to him for guidance, structure, firm- ness, consistency, honesty, and car- ing. He learned never to give up, to be strong but caring in making those life decisions. Our young Director developed his program so that the use of high-risk activities can be used to challenge the client's physical and psychological limits. Those high-risk activities of rock- climbing, white-water canoeing, cav- ing, and mountain marathons have also challenged our young Director's limits. He learned he enjoyed reach- ing for limits, especially in a safe set- ting (like being belayed at 1,000 feet on a hard climbing route). He soon learned that challenge gives him strength and patience at the same time. It seems when you prove to yourself that you "can do," you do not have to keep proving yourself to others. Our young man found an in- ner peace and strength he had known before. This helped him do his job more professionally. He soon saw how the same situations could help adolescents. Another feeling our young man soon learned, and one that he taught his adolescent clients, was "I'm spe- cial, with special skills and experi- ences. I feel good about myself." Soon our clients felt better about themselves. Our clients began to feel closer to staff and a special kind of trust, compassion, and communica- tion soon developed in this small wil- derness group we were developing. This soon leads to a renewed source of self-confidence and self-discovery; one that stands up in the face of ad- versity. That kind of self-confidence and self-discovery is one of the gifts that the wilderness has to offer. Our young Director has learned that he is capable of doing more than he ever dreamed — that psychological limits are set too low and that those psychological limits greatly affect the physical efforts. Nowhere is it more obvious to our young man than the marathons and triathalons that he has finished. Like the wall one reaches in marathoning when there seems to be no more energy left in your body and you still have 6 miles to go, do you give up? Not our young Director. Running has become a way of life for our young man. It is a way to deal with frustrations and anger. It is something exciting to look forward to. It is a way to have time alone with yourself to mill over and process matters back at home or at work that you do not seem to have time for anyplace else. Experience and matur- ity that grows from real living is the best. How do I know our young Di- rector never gave up? I know be- cause I am that young Director. Twelve years wiser and 12 years more grateful for the gift of the wil- derness and the opportunity to pres- ent that wilderness to the parents and children of Virginia Beach Juve- nile and Domestic Relations District Court. On May 1, 1987, after 12 years of services to the Virginia State Depart- ment of Corrections and the Virginia Beach Juvenile Court Services Unit, 116 this author resigned. The author is now the Executive Director of Wil- derness Therapy EAST (Experiential Adventure Success Training). This new company is located in Virginia Beach, Va. The goal of this new busi- ness is to serve the general public and community, service organiza- tions, human service agencies, the military, and corporations with that gift of the wilderness in a similar way as I have for the past 12 years. Now it does not have to be limited to the Court but to anyone ready to look inside themselves. The American Wilderness— A Cultural Imperative^ W. F.^LaPage and S. R.lRanney1 Abstract.— Both the productive and cultural sides of American life owe their richness to the land and the landscape. The creative and inspirational character of the land, such as its wildness, vastness, and productivity, contribute to the spirit of America and find lasting expression through art, music and, literature. Collectively, these expressions have evolved into a uniquely American culture; that culture contributes to an infectious national spirit of pride and optimism. This intangible, and quite likely nonrenewable, national resource of the land can only be preserved when we understand the magnitude of its contribution. Through an examination of the sources of our national identity, the authors suggest that wildland preservation is a cultural imperative— a source of national vitality and energy. Land and People There exists, by common belief, something more to America than land and people, symbols and docu- ments, heritage and pride, economic prowess, technical achievements, and international presence. It is that inde- finable national attitude and outlook on life that is distinctly American. It is called the "American Spirit," and it finds expression in many ways. In reality it is the patriotic glue that holds the many ideologies and idio- syncrasies of America together. One theory regarding the source of this spirit is it is the evolutionary steam that resulted from the slow melting of an eclectic pot of many nationalities. However, when the American spirit and national charac- ter are examined more closely, one of the most powerful sources of the country's essential cultural fiber is clearly the land; its economic oppor- tunity, its challenges, and its creative inspiration. It has also been suggested this uniquely American culture and spirit grew from new roots that were spliced from the old to grow fresh and vigorous. The old roots had been severed for most; traumatically cau- terized for many. It can be theorized the roots of the new nation and its people came from the forests and riv- ers, the deserts and mountains, and the challenges and inspirations they ( }New Hampshire State ParksjjAmerican Wilderness Alliance. Washington. D.C.. presented, not the ruins of ancient civilizations most other cultures look to for ancestral continuity. Thus, a different attitude and identity bloomed. Our profound influence on "the land" is unmistakable, particularly when flying over it. The indelible imprint we have made on the face of America's landscape should leave little doubt that it also molded us as we changed it. Even from 30,000 feet, the impressions of abundance, op- portunity, and productivity are un- mistakable. The patterns of agricul- ture, transportation, energy develop- ment, transmission, and recreation can be read by a child. To the trained eye, our dependence on the land be- comes obvious; as does the realiza- tion that no aspect of our history, culture, work or play, religion, or creative expression could have es- caped the influence of such a diverse geography. To what extent our creative cul- ture draws upon the land, the land- scape, and particularly "wilderness" is the theme of this paper. The im- mense philosophical library relating our very survival as people to a rev- erence for the land, for wilderness, and for nature, from Thoreau to Ab- bey, provides an impressive back- drop. Unfortunately, the philosophy that the land and all its many re- sources is the wellspring of Amer- ica's creative culture has yet to cap- ture national understanding let alone attention with anything approaching the more obvious influence it has had on our economic culture. If culture mirrors national spirit, and if America's spirit evolved from and is nourished by land resources, the linkages must be demonstrable. And, the resource principles of "lim- its of acceptable change" take on dra- matic new meaning when "unaccept- able" has the potential to diminish our ability to express our national identity. This ultimately leads to questions of national security. Like Maslow's "Hierarchy of Human Needs," nations too have higher needs. In the preamble to its 1987 report to President Reagan, the President's Commission on Americans Outdoors alluded to these vital connections, suggesting that no mere accident of history matched a national character of independence, generosity, and in- genuity with a land of opportunity and vast abundance. Some have theorized only the bold immigrated to America; but can we be sure the American people's resourcefulness and creativity are not, at least in part, a product of the endless challenges and inspiration and wonder of the land? A pervasive theme, throughout the commission's report, is that we have taken "our" outdoors for granted until "it" faced a crisis. The outdoors' very characteristics of vastness and unlimited abundance encourage complacency, as does our extensive system of public lands and the myth they are "reserved and pro- 118 tected for all time." By repeatedly responding to "its" crisis with typi- cally American generosity of spirit, we created more and more public lands. The commission seems to be strongly suggesting that this answer alone does not adequately address the growing lack of understanding about our cultural ties to the land. The annual $15 million bill for pick- ing up litter in those special places we call National Parks is one of many clues that we have somehow failed to make our point. Until our cultural as well as eco- nomical ties to the land are under- stood and become the foundation blocks of a national outdoor ethic, we may just be compounding the prob- lems both inside and outside "the reservation." We cannot hope to re- tain our cultural vitality if we have to send our future artists, photogra- phers, sculptors, writers, and com- posers to remnants of wildlands or "museum" wildlife diaramas for in- spiration— and, even there to find those resources blighted. Our purpose in this very prelimi- nary analysis is not to prove a the- ory— but to help develop one. Except in the final analysis, which we all hope to avoid, the theory is probably not provable. Short of waiting for that ultimate test, we believe that a convincing storehouse of evidence already exists buried in the biogra- phies of creative Americans from all walks of life and in the published and unpublished scholarly analyses of American art, music, and other forms of creative expression. We propose to develop a brief glimpse of what may be in that store- house. We hope this glimpse will demonstrate it is just as easy to "fly" over America's culturescape and ob- serve the myriad ways the land has influenced our art, music, and litera- ture. Fortunately, a number of great scholars have provided us the raw material to do just that: Gilbert Chase with his "America's music from the pilgrims to the present;" Joshua Tay- lor with "America as Art;" and Van Wyck Brooks with his five volume, "A History of the Writer in Amer- ica." We are indebted to these and other students of American culture for their scholarly analyses. But the conclusions we draw from their works are solely our own. At the turn of the present century, Frederick Jackson Turner expressed grave doubts about our national fu- ture once we lost the challenge of the frontier. The thought that in taming the wilderness, we also tamed our- selves, is still a very sobering one. The frontier may be gone, but we remain surrounded by challenges — not the least of which is to under- stand who and what we are. We sug- gest that this subject ranks along with national defense as a priority for federal attention and support. The Land as Literature Because America's literary heri- tage provides the longest and richest trail of cultural expression, our analysis must necessarily be superfi- cial. Van Wyck Brooks', "History of American Life as Seen Through the Literary Window" was designed to simply document the fullness of our cultural heritage; and yet, even a cas- ual reading demonstrates the power- ful influence of the outdoors on America's most celebrated writers of the 19th and early 20th centuries. William Cullen Bryant, botanist, poet, father of American song, es- caped the city daily to seek refuge among the groves of the quiet Hudson. At the age of 17, his poetry indicated that he had already discov- ered his country and freed it from the faded fancies of an older world. And, reflecting a familiar pattern of creative cross-fertilization, Bryant's literary achievements are credited with being largely responsible for encouraging the Hudson River School of Painting. It is said that Bryant's rendering of the world of nature in moving verse raised him above all his contemporaries. Solitary communing with nature, and the simple life, became recurring themes in the popular writings of other giants like Emerson, Whitman, Thoreau, and much later, Frost. Of all his poetry, Robert Frost chose the very last minute to recite "The Gift Outright" at President Kennedy's inauguration, beginning, "This land was ours before we were the land's." Edna St. Vincent Millay's "Gift" is clearly her sense of the "Miracle of Consciousness" reflected in her po- etry which brings to life the natural outdoors of New England and the salt smell of the ocean. Willa Cather' sights and sounds of the Plains, the wind in the winter, and the drum- ming of the quail are as vivid as the features of her immigrant farmers of the Midwest. And, though Mark Twain wrote mostly from the com- fort of the East, like some other west- ern writers, he did as much to make the Mississippi River a focus of na- tional pride, as did Washington Irv- ing for the Hudson two generations earlier. To single out any one literary fig- ure as exemplifying the creative in- spiration of the land would be asking for a quarrel with dozens of others. However, Walt Whitman was one who provides us with a detailed self- analysis of poetic inspiration. It is said that Whitman saw "a symbol of democracy in the summer grass." The following lines excerpted from his lengthy preface to "Leaves of Grass" provide a haunting echo for the philosophy of a President's Com- mission 132 years later: ...The Americans of all nations at anytime upon the earth have probably the fullest po- etical nature. The United States themselves are essen- tially the greatest poem in the history of the earth... The largeness of nature of the na- tion were monstrous without a corresponding largeness and generosity of the spirit of the citizen... here the theme is crea- 119 tive and has vista... the land and sea, mountains, and riv- ers, are not small themes.. .all is an old and varied sign of the unfailing perception of beauty and of the residence of the poetic in outdoor people.. .read these leaves in the open air every season of every year of your life. Sarah Orne Jewett wrote mostly about people, but found her inspira- tion on the coast of Maine and its "country of pointed firs and wisps of sea fog." The popular Helen Hunt Jackson was catapulted into fame by her concern for the plight of the American Indian; native American culture was solely based upon de- pendence, reverence, and interaction with the land. This captivated many writers and painters over the years. Social injustice, a perennially popular literary topic, becomes par- ticularly poignant when the fresh air of freedom is lost. As one Indian spokesman put it, "there was no wil- derness before the white man came." The solitary Emily Dickinson found a poetry in nature that few have matched. James Fenimore Coo- per's novels alternated from the for- est to the sea. The frontier's religious fervor, the Southwest7 s simplicity and mystery of Indian life, Califor- nia's expansiveness, Alaska's chal- lenge, and the earthiness of the South and of small towns gave theme to America's most respected authors for 200 years: Sandburg, London, Macleish, McPhee, Faulkner, O'Neill, and later Snyder. John Nichols' "If Mountains Die" is a poignant piece about the heart and soul of the Southwesfs people and their relationships to that par- ticular landscape. The best writing conveys a message about the writer; the values of the land to these writers are not themes as much as they are personal beliefs. Brooks writes of "Emerson's ecstasy over nature." Of all of the inspirational sources, war, urban life, society, social injus- tice, reform, love and innocence, the work place, crime, and adventure (all represented in Brooks' analysis), none seems to have the universal popularity of the outdoors and its elements of nature, wilderness, wild- life, Indians, and the frontier. Yet, in response to loosing these inspira- tions, a new breed of contemporary literary giants emerged. Edward Ab- bey, Barry Lopez, Rene Dubois, David Brower, Philip Fradkin, Rachel Carson, Roderick Nash, and many others sounded the alarm that if we lose the inspiration, we lose our iden- tity, our spirit, and ultimately our national character. The Land as Scenery In 1840, N. P. Willis of Portland, Maine, published a massive treatise titled, "American Scenery." Profusely illustrated with steel plate engrav- ings, Willis introduction states: There is a field for the artist in this country which surpasses every other in richness of pic- turesque. The great difficulty is where to choose. How draw the vanishing lines which mark.. .the greener belts through the wilderness which betray the wandering watercourses... or the airy wheel of the eagle. One hundred and thirty-six years later, commemorating the bicenten- nial of the American revolution, Joshua Taylor's "America as Art" was introduced with the thought that even in the mid-20th century it comes as a surprise to the public that the nation's art has played a role in America's identity. Taylor, the Smithsonian's Director of the Na- tional Collection of Fine Arts, not only devotes nearly one-half of his book to themes of the land and its symbols, he includes a major essay updating Turner's frontier thesis. The "second discovery of Amer- ica," as Taylor describes it, was per- haps more exciting than the first — a realization that not only was it a con- tinent of fresh, new ideas and im- agery but it was also a cultural revo- lution every bit as powerful as the political revolution. The American artist did not reject European rigidity in artistic style through any con- scious sense of nationalism, he sim- ply sought to accurately portray its newness, its freshness, its vitality, and its grandeur. While a few may have deliberately attempted to defy traditional western standards of the times, it seems clear that what may have been seen in Europe as Ameri- can exaggeration and boastfulness was artistic honesty, sometimes even modesty, in capturing new images of reality and new heights of spirit! Vis- ual art was the necessary companion to literary limitations, and the two created a powerful wave of interest that would someday be labeled "tourism" and would become one of the nation's major imports. But there were no offices of tour- ism to serve as patrons of art. In fact, landscape art was little more than a diversion from the business of por- traiture. And, it was, therefore, an honest expression of their world as they saw it. Even for those artists who sought expressive diversion in creating the symbols of their land, heroic outdoor images emerged of Daniel Boone and bears, of eagles and Indians, all fully as powerful in shaping our national spirit as were the stylized images of Washington, liberty, and justice. It was not until very late in the 18th century that portfolios of American landscapes became popu- lar and the profession of landscape painting became a realistic opportu- nity as a livelihood. But, once discov- ered, the business of landscape im- agery grew with dazzling speed and variety; by the time the westward "movement" had become a national fever, it was an established "indus- try." And, it was an industry sup- ported both directly and indirectly by political necessity as the explora- 120 Hons of Lewis and Clark, Zebulon Pike, Jedediah Smith, and William Ashley sparked widespread popular interest with their sketches and writ- ten descriptions of lands beyond imagination. In 1825, the Hudson River school had firmly established the American landscape tradition, and William Cullen Bryant's friend, Thomas Cole, had achieved pre-eminence in cap- turing the American wilderness on canvas. It is interesting to note that Emerson's crucial essay "Nature" and Cole's series on "Course of an Empire" both appeared in 1836. Cole increasingly withdrew from the city. He, as well as countless others, are demonstrable examples of the axiom that talent and the inspiration which manifests it is cultivated in solitude. John James Audubon was already drawing birds in Kentucky; Samuel Seymour and Titian Peale had painted the Rockies as part of the 1819-20 long expedition. In rapid succession, the American landscape produced the timeless art of George Catlin, Thomas Moran, George Bing- ham, John Mix Stanley, James Alden, Rudolph Kurz, Paul Wimar, William Ranney, and the legendary Albert Bierstadt, Frederick Remington, Charles Russell, and hundreds of others. Their names and their origins leave little room for doubt that this unique and wild landscape had cap- tured even the best of artists in ways they could only hope to capture it. Georgia O'Keefe was the most skilled of all contemporary native artists because she could capture the genius of simplicity that is the prin- ciple of nature. It is worth noting that the inspiration for many of these art- ists was the aboriginal, the American Indian, not only as a subject, but as a study. Jack Highwater put it this way, "The primeval mind knows space experientially. The western mind perceives space in linear terms." This observation can be dis- cerned in American art as it can in our land use patterns; for example, national park boundaries and section lines. As land gave way to industri- alization, art changed. Geometric shapes, cubism, synchronism, and precisionism appeared. In reaction, magic realism surfaced, a nostalgia for the loss of rural life to the com- plexities of urban living. By the 1870's landscape photogra- phy was in vogue, and stereopticon images made it possible for Ameri- cans everywhere to become armchair travelers across their country. Pho- tographers like E. O. Beaman, James Fennemore, and Jack Hillers were officially recording the geological studies of John Wesley Powell in the Colorado Canyon. Frontier photogra- phers like L. A. Huffman produced pictorial documentaries of the last of the Indian wars, and the decimation of the buffalo herds, while other like Silas Melander and William H. Jackson captured the breath-taking scenery of Yosemite, the Sequoias, and the detail of early western log- ging and life on the prairie many times, at great risk to themselves. In the midst of the frontier pho- tography boom, at the turn of the century, Ansel Adams was born; a man who developed the most power- ful tool imaginable for the preserva- tion of the American wilderness, a man who was destined to bring to landscape photography a new way of looking at nature. Trained as a musician, Adams' photography "sang" of the wilder- ness with the combined power of MacDowell's "Woodland Sketches," Copland's "Outdoor Overture," and Grofe's Canyon Suite!" The photo- graphic artistry of Ansel Adams' tra- dition is carried on today by Porter, Ward, Fielder, Till, Ulrich, and countless others. Another photographic legend is Alfred Stieglitz. Although his sub- jects were stills and studies, his influ- ence on the work of Georgia O'Keefe is profound. It is through him that she learned to see the true nature of nature. Nature on canvas, on photo- graphic plates, carved in wood, or sculpted in bronze is never so much a theme as it is a statement. A state- ment of the virtues of wild nature and its attributes of freedom and character building ("bring me men to match my mountains!") was impor- tant back when it was popular to be- lieve that Europe was in a state of moral decay and the salvation of western culture resided in America. Similar statements, in any era, serve as a reminder of national vitality and spirit. By the millions today, individ- ual outdoor expression, whether through landscape photography, painting, or sculpture, makes a pro- foundly American statement! Wild- life prints, stamps, and motifs abound in the nation's gift stores. Outdoor scenery is the marketeers choice not just for skis, campers, and cars, but for beer, soap, and ciga- rettes! Clearly America's love affair with the outdoors, though perhaps more subtle, easily out-distances its combined love affairs with automo- biles, fast food, and sports! The Land as Song There can be little doubt that in music, America has found its most pervasive celebration of the land. The perennial popularity of classical, pa- triotic, and folk songs to the land, the rivers, and the mountains suggests that their composers have tapped a depth of feeling in the nation's con- sciousness that other art forms can- not approach. "This land is your land," "America the Beautiful," and "Rocky Mountain High" conjure mental images of pride as well as grandeur. But, identifiable national music took much longer to establish itself in America because composers looked to Europe, and particularly Germany, for approval well into the 19 th century. Though much slower to develop its own distinctive flavor, America's music eventually became the world's music; drawing from the land and pulling us to the land. Gilbert 121 Chase's authoritative analysis points out that American music had to wait much longer for the equivalent of a Melville or a Walt Whitman. As late as the mid-1850's, the New York Philharmonic was criticized for never having played an American composi- tion; although it had, once! That once was the music of George Frederick Bristow, a "Champion of American Music." A man who was inspired by the natural wonders of the land whose final work was a symphony entitled "Niagara." William Henry Fry, the man who protested the Philharmonic's Euro- pean bias, was himself a composer and a lecturer on American music who called for an "American declara- tion of independence in art;" guided only by nature and inspiration. In just a few short years, Edward MacDowell was being acclaimed "America's greatest composer" and "The one name in music that could be paired with that of Whitman in poetry." The fact that McDowell was profoundly influenced by nature is evident not just in his compositions such as "To a Wild Rose," 'To a Golden Rod," and "To a Water Lily," but in his inspirational retreats to the New England woods where the McDowell colony, in Peterborough, New Hampshire, still serves that same artistic purpose! MacDowell, himself, in rejecting the idea of purely national music in the Ger- manic tradition, said, "What we must arrive at is the youthful opti- mistic vitality and the undaunted te- nacity of spirit that characterizes the American man. This is what I hope to see echoed in American music." American fascination for Euro- pean musical styles lingered on de- spite the countless European com- posers who, on visiting America, en- thusiastically encouraged us to ex- periment and create an American music inspired by our national scen- ery! Antonin Dvorak, one of the most outspoken of these visitors (whose relatives now operate a river-running company), lived for a while in Iowa where he wrote a cantata to the American flag and a symphony en- titled "From the New World." Charles Ives (1874-1954), one of America's most prolific composers, drew his inspiration from literally everything around him, which was often the outdoors, the land, and the "call of the mountains." His "Con- cord Sonata," celebrating Thoreau, Emerson, Hawthorne, and the Al- cotts, a half-century after their pass- ing, was a major work of musical im- pressionism in an attempt to capture other artists' sense of "wilderness melody" and the "strength of na- ture." The richness of American music in the 1930's and 1940' s, drawing from regional songs and jazz, featuring big bands and symphony orchestras, and names like Aaron Copland, George Gershwin, Roy Harris, was finally 100% American! The influence of the outdoors was still there in the form of inspirations from folk ballads, spirituals, and cowboy songs, com- ing close to the surface in melodies like "Appalachian Spring," "Rhap- sody in Blue," "Saga of the Prairie," "Rodeo," and "Home on the Range." Today's American music contin- ues the trend of reflecting the rich and complex phenomenon of land and people that is America. The land's influence continues to find its way into our music in more and more subtle ways, occasionally rising to the crescendo of popularity of a "Rocky Mountain High!" But again, the threat of losing the inspiration brought fourth musicians such as Joni Mitchell with her "Big Yellow Taxi," Joan Baez' ballads about pollu- tion, and Judy Collins' music to the humpback whale. Nature inspired Paul Winter to the point that his mu- sic blends so beautifully with the sounds of nature; it is difficult to tell where one begins and the other takes over. And there is a very recent re- lease, "Orca's Greatest Hits!" The message collectively is that everyone is downwind; everyone is downriver. Everyone is... one. This era of musical inspiration is an effort to get Ameri- cans dancing with the environment instead of marching against it. Conclusion— The Land as National Spirit We make no pretense to be defini- tive; we hope to be provocative in arguing for the land as a cultural im- perative, and in encouraging other more objective social analysts to ex- amine the broader cultural implica- tions of the change in America's landscape and America's wildness. If there has been a similar shift to an artificial capital "S" in our national spirit, the clues exist and need only to be assembled, studied, and inter- preted. The possible diminution of cultural vitality with the loss of wild places has profound implications for the future of the nation. One has only to look at those nations which have lost their natural diversity and agri- cultural vitality. They are losing their distinctive cultures and spirit. The energy has drained from the people. We believe, with the President's Commission, that the condition of the outdoors, the untouched vastness of America's wild country is a state- ment of the American condition; and we believe, with Robert Frost, that we are the land. Literature Cited Americans outdoors: the legacy, the challenge. 1987. Report of the President's Commission. Wash- ington, DC: Island Press. 420 p. Brooks, Van Wyck; Bettman, Otto. 1956. Our literary heritage. New York, NY: E. P. Dutton & Co. 240 p. Chase, Gilbert. 1966. America's mu- sic: from the pilgrims to the pres- ent. New York, NY: McGraw Hill. 759 p. Taylor, Joshua C. 1976. America as art. New York, NY: Harper & Row. 321 p. 122 Whitman, Walt. 1982. American bard: the original preface to "Leaves of Grass." Arranged by William Everson. New York, NY: Viking Press. 35 p. [Originally published in 1855.] Willis, N. P. 1971. American scenery. Barre, MA: The Imprint Society. 362 p. [Originally published in 1840.] / Psychological Necessity for Wilderness in the Life of George Catlin Wilson Hall1 Abstract.— A wilderness environment seems to have been essential in the psychological maturity and creativity of George Catlin from early childhood until the last decade of his life. This dependency was born of two major transformations which occurred early in his life and was affirmed by a dramatic turning point later in his life. It was also affirmed by the abundance of creative energy which he experienced in wilderness and the absence of it in civilization. The tools used to examine these aspects of Catlin 's life are Carl Jung's model of the psyche and his theory of psychic energy. In December 1872, George Catlin, world-famous Indian painter and ethnologist, settled for his last days into his daughters' home in Jersey City, New Jersey. He was extremely deaf, penniless, and sick unto dying; his life's work, which he called the Indian Gallery, was mortgaged and stored beyond his redemption in a locomotive manufacturer's leaking warehouse in Philadelphia. His rec- reation of it, which he called car- toons, and the paintings from his South American travels, were on temporary display in the Smith- sonian Institution, unpurchased and unlikely to be purchased by the U.S. Congress. In this apartment ended a road that began in 1796 when he was born in Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, and, during the course of 76 years, wound through the vast wilderness areas of North, Central, and South America and passed through some of the most civilized cities of Europe and Great Britain. Following this road he spent his life pursuing facts about the American Indians, painting their portraits and landscapes, hop- ing to record their activities before the advancing European civilization and the raw cupidity of this coun- try's industrious citizens annihilated them and their way of life forever. Following this road he told the civi- lized world again and again of the humanity and human brotherhood of 'Interdisciplinary Studies. Shorter Col- lege, Rome. Ga. the American Indians and of the tragedy of their coming destruction. At 76, sick beyond recovery and a near stranger to his family, he paced the floor of his daughters' home say- ing, "Oh, if I was down in the valley of the Amazon I could walk off this weakness." On December 23, in the expectancy of Christmas, he died, talking constantly of his Indian Gal- lery, and longing to return to the wil- derness of the Amazon (Roehm 1966:411). There was something innate in Catlin's nature which drew him to wilderness, and this part of his na- ture opposed the training from his father, who impressed upon him that he must honor the Catlin name and make a place for himself in the civi- lized world. This conflict of opposing drives in Catlin, when examined by the model of Carl Jung's psyche (1960), produces some interesting thoughts concerning the relevancy of wilderness not only to Catlin's basic nature but also to the basic nature of all people; namely that contact with nature is essential for the healthy de- velopment and individuation of the psyche. By Jung's view, the mind is a closed energy system in which the flow of psychic energy is innately urged from the unconscious into the ego where it is perceived in meaning- ful images. The end of this flow of psychic energy, as with all energy, is entropy, but its effect is a finished personality, developed according to the innate and individual pattern proceeding from the unconscious. Along the way, in talented individu- als, art may be created. Often in con- flict with the will of the ego, the un- conscious is always dominant. If the will attempts to stem or thwart the flow from the unconscious, neurosis, or psychosis results, even total shat- tering of the personality. However, when the will opens to the flow of psychic energy, the human lives a harmonious and fully-developed life. Catlin's psychic system found a homeostatic flow of his psychic en- ergy only when he was in wilder- ness. It is impossible to name specifi- cally the thing in Catlin's psyche which demanded wilderness. It would be comforting to say that there is an archetype or some con- stellation of archetypes which en- couraged it as there are for mother- hood and family. But probably the safest thing to say is only what Jung (1873) said of himself, that he "had to obey an inner law which was im- posed on [him] and left [him] no freedom of choice" and that "a crea- tive person.. .is captive and driven by his daimon" (1873:357). For Catlin, an innate passion for wilderness was his daimon. In order to study the psyche of Catlin, this paper will examine two major events in his psychic life: the first at 31, when he redirected his life from civilization to wilderness and a second shortly afterward when he underwent a transforming experi- ence among the Indians along the 124 Missouri River. A third event, one similar to the first, which occurred in his 50's and was trapped again in civilization, will be examined briefly as a verification of the first. Prior to the event in his 30's, Cat- lin had lived in both wilderness and civilization. Soon after his birth in Wilkes-Barre, he moved with his family into the wilderness along the Susquehanna River of upper Penn- sylvania and lower New York. Dur- ing these years young Catlin ran free on his father's plantation, and during the most impressionable decade of these years came under the tutorage of a frontiersman named John Dar- row, who taught the boy all the things he would need to know to travel the wilderness areas from Ti- erra del Fuego to the Bering Straits and from the east to the west coast of the United States. Just as impor- tantly, Darrow furnished him, at that important age, a role model, an ob- ject for the projection of his psyche. How important Darrow was to him is reflected in the emotional refer- ences which Catlin (1868, p. 13) makes about him in all his autobio- graphical works, even into his old age when he wrote: Oh, how beautiful to my young and aspiring vision the cautious and graceful move- ments of this stalking teacher! What pupil ever watched the magic touches of his master's pencil with more admiration than I watched the movements of this master-hunter as he led me through the forests and rocks and ravines of the mountain side? No time or circumstances have ever yet effected the slightest impres- sion then made upon my youthful mind, nor will they leave me while recollections last. Instruction by George's father on the importance of finding a place in the civilized world was impressed on all the Catlin children, and George, when he was sent away to law school at the age of 21, gave his best effort to fulfilling his father's dream. But unlike his older brother, Charles, and his sister, Clara, George was not able to abandon the lifestyle which he had acquired on the frontier. When he returned from school and entered a law practice with his brother, his life should have settled down to a rou- tine much like Charles': a daily pro- cession of legal work punctuated by holidays for fishing and hunting. But in reality, this new profession brought to a head the conflict of his two opposing lifestyles, which his stay in law school had made him aware of, and produced a crisis which would continue for another 8 to 10 years. This kind of crisis Erik Erikson (1962:14) described in "Young Man Luther" when he wrote: I have called the major crisis of adolescence the identity cri- sis; it occurs in that period of the life cycle when each youth must forge for himself some central perspective and direc- tion, some working unity, out of the effective remnants of his childhood and the hopes of his anticipated adulthood; he must detect some meaningful resemblance between what he has come to see in himself and what his sharpened awareness tells him others judge and ex- pect him to be. While Erikson associates this particu- lar crisis with adolescence, its onset seems to have evaded Catlin until he was 21 Such a prolonged adolescence came about because of two things: the dominance of a father who could influence his son's profession, even after the son had reached majority, and the fact that during all those wil- derness years Catlin's unconscious never encountered a major confron- tation and thus enjoyed an uninter- rupted homeostatic flow of psychic energy. Catlin's letters from law school (Roehm 1966; Smithsonian, no date) indicated that he knew that he was subjugating his will to his father's, but he became aware of a crisis only when he realized that his interest in law was being usurped by a love of his youth which he thought he had abandoned — painting. He recorded in "Life Among the Indians" that during court sessions he "covered nearly every inch of the lawyers table (and even encroached upon the judge's bench) with penknife, pen and ink, and pencil sketches of judges, juries, and culprits." His un- conscious, obviously, was rejecting the profession of law. Luckily for Catlin's psychological growth, his solution to the conflict was to acqui- esce to the interloping interest and abandon law. He described his deci- sion in "Letters and Notes": I was admitted to the bar — and practiced the law, as a sort of Nimrodical lawyer, in my native land, for the term of two or three years; when I very deliberately sold my law library and all (save my rifle and fishing-tackle), and con- verting their proceeds into brushes and paint pots; I com- menced the art of painting in Philadelphia, without teacher or adviser. (1973:2) It is significant to a study of the de- velopment of Catlin's psyche to note that he did not sell his gun and tackle, for these are the tools of the man of the wilderness, and the un- conscious knew what the ego did not know, that the pursuit of art was not the true solution to the crisis. His new life as a portrait painter was rewarding enough financially and socially, but in personal satisfac- tion George found it no more enjoy- able than practicing law, and his in- ner agitation continued. He wrote in "Letters and Notes" that his "mind was continually reaching for some branch of enterprise of the art, on which to devote a whole life-time of 125 enthusiasm" (1973:2). The cause for his dissatisfaction, of course, lay in his separation from wilderness. Like the guns and fishing tackle which he had packed in a closet, he packed into his subconscious the wilderness experiences of his youth, the lessons of Darrow, and the freedom to be himself. Suppressed there, they waited for a day when something would key their release and they could speak. They spoke in Philadelphia in 1827, when Catlin was a successful painter, and when they spoke, it was a dramatic, life-changing experience. As Erikson described, all that was of value in his youth suddenly became the value and hope for his future and produced a direction that his life must take in order to quell the agita- tion in his soul and give him peace. The event occurred when: A delegation of some 10 or 15 noble and dignified-looking Indians, from the wilds of the 'Tar West," suddenly arrived in the city, arrayed and equipped in all their classic beauty — with shield and hel- met,— with tunic and man- teau, — tinted and tasselled off, exactly for the painter's pal- ette (1973:2). Even in old age he remembered the import of the experience: After... they took their leave for Washington City, and I was left alone to reflect and re- gret, which I did long and deeply, until I came to the fol- lowing decision. ...Nothing short of the loss of my life, shall prevent me from visiting their country, and of becoming their historian (1868:221). The force of such a life transform- ing experience and the complete dedication of his life to the change is greatly akin to a religious experience, and indicates a dedication to some- thing deep within himself, something which had lain unsatisfied until that moment. How deeply he felt commit- ted to this voice from the uncon- scious is told in his opening pages of "Letters and Notes" when he stated: I had fully resolved — I opened my views to my friends and relations, but got not one ad- vocate or abettor. I tried fairly and faithfully, but it was in vain to reason with those whose anxieties were ready to fabricate every difficulty and danger that could be imag- ined, without being able to understand or appreciate the extent or importance of my designs, and I broke from them all, — from my wife and my aged parents, — myself my only adviser and protector (1973:3). Once his unconscious spoke, it would not be denied. It took charge of his life, and, once freed from the civilized world by his decision to be- come historian to the Indians, it fur- nished him abundant energy for fa- tiguing travel, for joy and artistic creation. Catlin could not have understood the psychology of his decision, yet he was intensely aware that something inside himself was responding to his decision and that happiness was the result, for he wrote of that event: There was something inex- pressibly delightful in the above resolve, which was to bring me amidst such living models for my brush; and at the same time to place in my hands again, for my living and protection, the objects of my heart.. .[my rifle and fishing- pole]; which had long been laid by to rust and decay in the city, without the remotest prospect of again contributing to my amusement (1973:2-3). In the wilderness of the American West, among the American Indians, Catlin found again homeostatic flow of psychic energy, the peace and sat- isfaction of his youth. The second event occurred early in Catlin's western travels and indi- cated an even deeper transformation than the first. The event began while Catlin was visiting an old Minataree chief. Ad- mitting that he did not approve of horse racing, Catlin found that he wished to attend a day of such racing among some Indians across the river. The old chief offered the use of his boat, and the service of his wife to swim and pull the boat across the river. In the middle of the river, the boat was met by a group of nude, young Indian maidens who took the boat from the old woman and ca- vorted with it, spinning it around and around and pretending to keep it from shore, until Catlin offered them some awls from his pocket and strings of glass beads which he put around their necks. Taken ashore, he walked inland to the place where the races were in progress. Here he met Yellow Moccasin, "quite an old man," who was chief of this group and who allowed Catlin to partici- pate in the activities. Toward the end of the day and feeling sorry for a young girl who had lost all her goods betting on her brother who constantly lost in the races, Catlin found a nag that could not beat the brother's horse, wagered heavily with the sister that he could win the race and asked to be allowed to ride. When the two riders and wit- nesses arrived at the beginning of the race course and were preparing to ride back toward the crowd at the finish line, Catlin encountered a problem with his civilized clothing. He claimed that only then did he no- tice that all the Indians had been rid- ing all day unclothed and bare- backed, and so rather than insult them, he acquiesced to ride the same way, "entirely denuded" and on "a naked horse" (1973:198). As Catlin (1973:198) described the effect of the race on himself, it is easy 126 to read his psychological experience into it: Reader! did you ever imagine that in the middle of a man's life there could be a thought or a feeling so new to him, as to throw him instantly back to infancy; with a new world and a new genius before him — started afresh, to navigate and breath the elements of naked and untasted liberty, which clothe him in their cool and silken robes that float about him; and wafting their life- inspiring folds to his inmost lungs? If you never have been inspired with such a feeling, and have been in the habit of believing that you have thought of, and imagined a little of every thing, try for a moment, to disrobe your mind and your body, and help me through feelings to which I cannot give utterance. Imagine yourselves as I was, with my trembling little horse under- neath me, and the cool atmos- phere that was floating about, and ready, more closely and familiarly to embrace me, as it did, at the next moment, when we "were off/' and struggling for the goal and the prize. For the first time in his life, Catlin had a sense of being truly wild. He was as near to reaching humanity's primitive state as he could ever come: completely nude, on horse- back, racing across the open prairie, knee-to-knee with a savage born to it. No wonder he felt reborn and back to infancy, even to the point of feel- ing "a new world and a new genius before him." How easy for an analyst regarding the narrated description of that event to read that the two old men repre- sented the old self of Catlin which was about to undergo a rebirth, that the river was the division between the old life and the new, that the old wife, representing Catlin's old anima, could only take him half way across and the young maidens, representing his newly developing anima, must coyly and innocently conduct him to the new side. Having met his old self again across the river, he turned to the young Indian who could not win a race (which was himself struggling to free himself from civilization) and by means of the young sister, in- duced him to race against the civi- lized self, for it is the feminine or an- ima which must conduct him to any profound change and the race was the means to this end. Divested of all his clothing he was reduced to his natural state, and the horse repre- sented his animal nature. Once the race was underway, it was the two selves of Catlin at contest for the rest of his life, and the old Catlin, want- ing to lose — planning and betting to lose — seeing that he was, indeed, about to lose, and aware of his na- kedness, turned aside before the horses crossed the finish line in order to hide his nakedness from the crowd, and the new Catlin, the wild man, naked and free of any of civili- zation's trappings, crossed the line to the cheers of the crowd of welcoming savages. The race itself was, obvi- ously, the means by which Catlin's unconscious communicated to his ego the change that had already oc- curred there. Catlin's narrative of the event reveals the ego's perception of what occurred and his writing of it acknowledges the change. It is not surprising, then, to find Catlin (1973:34) impatient with civi- lized life after his return home. Upon visiting his brother, the lawyer-cum- real estate investor-cum-banker in Florida, Catlin longed for the Wild West again. He wrote of that visit: I shall hail the day with pleas- ure, when I can again reach the free land of the lawless savage; for far more agreeable to my ear is the Indian yell and war-hoop, than the civi- lized groans and murmurs about "pressure," "deposits" "banks," "boundary questions," etc.; and I vanish from the country with the sincere hope that these tedious words may become obsolete before I re- turn. Nor is it surprising, a couple of years later, for him to write: "I have be- come so much Indian of late that my pencil has lost all appetite for sub- jects that savor of tameness" (1973:37). From the horse race on- ward, Catlin was more naturally at home in the wilderness than he had ever been before, more at peace. After Catlin had been some 15 years in England and Europe, he un- derwent an experience similar to his earlier one in Philadelphia. He had gone to England for a short stay, hoping that the threat to sell his art collection in England would force U.S. Congress to purchase it for the Smithsonian Institution. He wanted also to please his father by establish- ing an international reputation as a painter and ethnologist, to make some money from his lectures and books, and to develop some world- wide sympathy for the plight of the American Indians. Beginning in Lon- don on a high note of success, circumstances and bad judgment eventually brought him to the depths of economic and emotional depres- sion. Immediately as he arrived in England, his artistic creativity was replaced by desperate schemes to make money, and his painting was limited to copying his extant work for customers. Because of fever epi- demics in Paris, he lost his wife and only son to death. Because of the French Revolution he was not paid for several months' work for King Louis Philippe. Because of his com- mitment later to London's debtors' prison, he lost his two daughters to his brother-in-law in America. Be- cause of his huge debts, he lost his Indian Gallery to Joseph Harrison, a locomotive manufacturer, who stored it in a leaking warehouse in Philadelphia. 127 Besides the physical hardships of living, Catlin suffered also from the suppression of his passion for wil- derness, worse than he had suffered in Philadelphia and New York. When he was at the lowest emotional point of his life, he met in Paris a German naturalist and a French botanist on their way to South America to do re- search. They recognized Catlin im- mediately as the famous American artist, ethnologist, and man of the wilderness, and they asked him to accompany them, offering to pay half his expenses. At that moment, the suppressed voice of the unconscious spoke again, just as it had in Phila- delphia, and listening, he was imme- diately galvanized with a fantastic surge of his old energy. The energy is manifested in his letters which follow this event and is revealed in his enthusiasm for new work and his determination to return to wilderness in spite of any obstacle. In his unpublished letter (March 9, 1854) to Sir Thomas Phillipps, a man on whom he had always been able to depend for money, the importance of wilderness to Catlin was expressed in the pleading line, "I could live more in one such year than most men could in 5" (Gilcrease, No Date), and in another unpublished letter to Sir Thomas (March 24, 1854), whose debts prevented him from lending money to Catlin, Catlin's terrible drive to get back into wilderness was made obvious when he wrote, "I do not know how to relinquish my plan to South America nor do I yet see how I am to go" (Gilcrease, No Date). In his writings after he arrives in the jungles of South America, it is obvi- ous that the old Catlin has returned, for he wrote: Who is the happiest man in the world just at this time? Why, Doctor Hentz, while he is gathering these beautiful plants and lovely flowers, and packing them in his large books... And who the next hap- piest? Why, I, of course, who am putting these beautiful scenes into my portfolio... (Catlin 1868:224). Modesty probably prevented him from claiming the first position for himself, but the point is well taken that he is intensely happy to be again in wilderness. For all of the next decade he lost himself in wilderness again. But more importantly, the psychological process of individuation which had been in abeyance for the past decade and a half, began again and contin- ued, just as it had in the North American wilderness, and the thing which he had needed and looked for in the North American wilderness he found again in the South American wilderness. He found the essence of his savage nature reflected in the wild environment and jungle people and in the activities and experiences in which he participated. In his book on that period, "Life Among the In- dians/' he described an event which showed that he had come to realize the essential wild nature which arose from his unconscious. Standing on the deck of an Amazon steam boat which had been drawn to shore for repairs, he noticed that a group of Indians camped on the shore recog- nized him. Immediately he recog- nized them as a tribe with whom he had hunted turtle eggs months be- fore, and he went ashore where they welcomed him with warm embraces and much shouting. He wrote of that moment: Oh how pleasing such meet- ings are to me How I love to feel the gladdened souls of na- tive men, moved by natural, human impulse, uninfluenced by fashion or a mercenary mo- tive Mine! I know, has some- thing native remaining in it yet (Catlin, no date:306). One cannot avoid the question of what Catlin's life would have been like if there had been no wilderness to which he could escape. Perhaps the letters from the 25 years which he spent in civilization tell us that story, years of stress, disappointing work, and failure. Perhaps he would have internalized his need for wilderness, and it would have found expression in vague, unintelligible paintings. Perhaps he would have become like his brother Henry, a miserable, un- successful farmer who eventually disappeared from the family's notice. The fact that wilderness brought about the complete individuation of Catlin's psyche is seen in the final product of his life's work, a collec- tion of books, artifacts, and paintings which reflect his mind. His artistic theme was the human brotherhood of the Indians, not raising them to civilized standards in order to mani- fest it, but showing their oneness with their civilized brothers even in their esoteric dress and wild, para- disical environment. When the paint- ings were finished he arranged to show them in a rectangular hall "125 feet in length and forty feet in breadth," covering the entire surface from floor to ceiling, after which he pronounced them "done," adding that "where ever it goes, to Berlin, to Russia, or to my native land, I have the satisfaction of leaving it a fin- ished work" (Roehm 1966:405). In this form, with Catlin at the center to observe what his mind and talent have created, it forms a manila, and in this respect it is an intriguing exer- cise to compare his work with Jung's Bollingen or his last dream of "a big, round block of stone in a high bare place and on it.. .inscribed: This shall be a sign unto you of wholeness and oneness" (Hanna 1976:347), for Cat- lin, in order to know a finished psy- che, had to also have a unified image of what his mind possessed. If the necessity for wilderness in order to accomplish individuation is unique to Catlin, then a probe of his psyche leads nowhere. But it is my belief that such a necessity is not unique to him. Jung's journey into Africa and India were essential to his individuation. It was essential to the 128 individuation process of Charles Lindbergh that he spend the latter part of his life in world-wide nature conservation, and it was essential to Richard Byrd, Theodore Roosevelt, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Aldo Leo- pold, Edwin Church, Ansel Adams; the list is endless. I believe that for articulate people such as these, who find wilderness essential in the de- velopment of their life, there are also hundreds, perhaps thousands, of in- articulate people who, just as impor- tantly, find it essential, and whose only expression is rafting, hiking, bird watching, fishing, or hunting. It would be enlightening, indeed, to examine the maturing process of the psyches of the articulate in the light of what they have written, painted, or revealed in other ways about wil- derness, for here might be yet an- other ultimate reason not to erase wilderness from the face of the earth. Hanna, B. 1976. Jung: his life and work, a biographical memoir. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons. Jung, C. G. 1960. The structure and dynamics of the psyche. (R. F. C. Hull, Trans.) Bollingen Series XX. New York: Random House. Roehm, M. C. 1966. The letters of George Catlin and his family: a chronicle of the American West. Berkeley: University of California Press. Smithsonian Institution. No Date. Unpublished collection of letters, notes, and memorabilia of George Catlin. Washington, DC. Acknowledgements The research for this paper was assisted partly by a Short-Term Visi- torship and stipend from the Smith- sonian Institution. Literature Cited Catlin, G. 1868. Last rambles amongst the Indians of the Rocky Mountains and the Andes. Lon- don: Sampson Low, Son, and Marston. Catlin, G. 1973. Letters and notes on the manners, customs, and condi- tions of North American Indians (Volumes 1-2). New York: Dover Publications. Catlin, G. No Date. Life among the Indians. London: Gall & Inglis. Erikson, E. H. 1962. Young man Lu- ther: a study in psychoanalysis and history. New York: W. W. Norton. Gilcrease Institute. No Date. Unpub- lished collection of Catlin letters and notes. Tulsa. 129 Wilderness Values on Western Ranches^ Delwin E.^enson1 Abstract.— Philosophical values of wilderness experiences include remoteness, naturalness, escape, solitude, and autonomy. Key wilderness values can be experienced on private western ranches. Users seeking wilderness experiences can pay more equitably for wilderness management on private land than on public land. Options to provide physical amenities desired by a variety of users are greater on private land than on public lands. Managers and researchers are challenged to evaluate these hypotheses. Private ranchers are challenged to use their recreational resources. Wilderness enthusiasts are challenged to obtain their values from private western ranches. Introduction Wilderness, as a term, has evolved in the United States to represent re- moteness, maximization of natural- ness, and minimization of human impacts. This paper reviews philo- sophical values of wilderness experi- ences and suggests that: (1) wilder- ness values can be experienced by recreation on private western ranches; (2) users seeking wilderness experiences can pay more equitably for wilderness management on pri- vate land than on public land; and (3) options to provide physical amenities desired by users are greater on pri- vate land than on public lands. A challenge goes out for recreational researchers and managers to evalu- ate these hypotheses and for private ranchers in the West to capitalize upon the recreational value of their property. Wilderness enthusiasts are challenged to use private lands in the West to obtain their objectives. In doing so, recreational pressures should be reduced in designated wil- derness areas, and recreationists will be able to participate in management along with the landowner. Evidence for wilderness values on private land will be developed with data from literature that support the following progression of thought. 'Department of Fishery and Wildlife Biol- ogyyColorado State University. Fort Collins?) 1. Wilderness values are experi- enced by a wide range of us- ers in a wide range of places. 2. Positive experiences are eas- ier to obtain from noncon- sumptive (i.e., nonspecific) recreation than from con- sumptive (i.e., specific goal oriented) recreation. 3. Utilitarian success for con- sumptive recreation (such as hunting and fishing) can be greater on private land than on public land. 4. The ability to use resources without affecting use by fu- ture participants is an impor- tant philosophical parameter of wilderness. 5. Private land does not have legislative and regulatory restrictions for use such as restrictions on vehicles, power equipment (saws, generators), tree cutting for firewood, etc. Thus, persons who desire those amenities can increase their satisfac- tion. What Are Wilderness Values? Wilderness is in the eye of the be- holder (Clark et al. 1971). Remote- ness and vastness to some can be contrasted with "wilderness experi- ences'7 reported by campers in devel- oped campgrounds (LaPage 1967). Even recreation managers misinter- pret the attitudes of campers and the wilderness experience they reported from developed campgrounds (Clark et al. 1971, Downing and Clark 1979, Hendee and Harris 1970). Imagine what early American In- dians thought about their wilderness home. How did the first explorers categorize the western United States? What was the natural resource value of the Louisiana Purchase? Remem- ber, not long ago, the purchase of Alaska was called Seward's Folly. Lucas (1964) provided the follow- ing historical insights into attitudes about wilderness that were previ- ously reported by several authors. Over a century ago, impressions about wilderness and scenery were nearly opposite of today's. The New England wilderness was termed hideous and desolate. Mountains and wild lands were detested. Attractive landscapes were soft, fertile fields improved by human husbandry. Lands with ancient historical associa- tions were important in Europe. For- mal gardens with geometric architec- ture were preferred over naturalness. French voyageurs in the 18 th cen- tury called part of present day Min- nesota-Ontario border "le beau pays" — the beautiful country — but the area they described was not the rocky canoe country. It was the gla- cial lake plain farther west with level, 130 often open areas reminiscent of farm- land. Perceptions of wilderness changed due to religious, philosophical, and scientific ideas prompted also per- haps by changes in appearance of humanized landscapes (Lucas 1964). Wilderness as a resource in its own right, rather than land to be devel- oped, was probably tied to the "clos- ing of the frontier" and from ideas, such as historian Frederick Jackson Turner's, that the frontier shaped American character. Urbanization cut people off from the land, and that may have contributed to a feeling of loss of continuity and security. Appeals for public action to set aside wilderness were made by George Catlin, painter of Indians, in 1833, followed by Thoreau and George Perkins March. Yosemite and Yellowstone Park reserves resulted from such actions. The act establish- ing Yellowstone would "Provide for the preservation from injury or spo- liation, of all timber, mineral depos- its, natural curiosities, or wonders...and their retention in their natural condition." This was a germ of the wilderness idea without refer- ence to large, roadless tracts. The Adirondack Forest Preserve in New York was established as "forever wild" in 1885 mainly to prevent tim- ber exploitation rather than to pro- mote general wilderness values. Specific wilderness reservations began with Aldo Leopold, Arthur Earhart, and Robert Marshall in the 1920's. Another surge came in the 1930's, followed by major designa- tions in the 1960's with the inception of Public Law 88-577, The Wilderness Act of 1964. This formal designation stated that a wilderness is: ...an area where the earth and its community of life are un- trampled by man, where man himself is a visitor who does not remain. ..an area of unde- veloped Federal land retaining primeval character and influ- ence, without permanent im- provements or human habita- tion, which is protected and managed so as to preserve its natural conditions and which: 1. Generally appears to have been affected primarily by the forces of nature, with the imprint of man's work substantially unnoticeable; 2. Has outstanding opportu- nities for solitude or a primitive and unconfined type of recreation; 3. Has at least 5,000 acres of land or is of sufficient size as to make practicable its preservation and use in an unimpaired condition; and 4. May also contain ecologi- cal, geological, or other features of scientific, edu- cational, scenic, or histori- cal value. Many adjectives describe wilder- ness and wilderness experiences. The following list includes terms and phrases attributed to officially desig- nated wilderness. The author con- tends that these same attributes are found on many ranches in western United States. Achievement (Brown and Haas 1980) Aesthetic enjoyment of natural settings (Rossman and Ulehla 1977) Autonomy (Brown and Haas 1980) Challenge and adventure (Ross- man and Ulehla 1977) Emotional or spiritual experi- ence (Rossman and Ulehla 1977) Escape from the familiar (Ross- man and Ulehla 1977) Escape from urban stresses (Rossman and Ulehla 1977) Escape pressures (Brown and Haas 1980) Natural environment (ORRRC 1962, Stankey 1973) Primitive (Lucas 1964) Pristine (Stankey 1973) Reflection on personal values (Brown and Haas 1980) Relationships with nature (Brown and Haas 1980) Remote (Lucas 1964) Rugged (Lucas 1964) Self-actualization (Scott 1974, Young and Crandall 1984) Sharing/recollection (Brown and Haas 1980) Solitude (Stankey 1973) Uncivilized (Lucas 1964, ORRRC 1962, Stankey 1973) Uncommercialized (Lucas 1964) Wild (Lucas 1964) "Wilderness experiences" are not limited to participation in designated areas. In fact, users may not even know where wilderness is. For ex- ample, visitors to the Quetico-Supe- rior Area were asked where they had been, if they felt they were in wilder- ness now, and where members of their group thought wilderness be- gan (Lucas 1964). Canoeists cited wil- derness quality twice as often as most other visitors. Car campers were next highest in their interest in wilderness. Canoeists saw a much smaller wilderness area than other types. Some respondents said they never reached the "wilderness" and 131 others placed wilderness gateways in central Minnesota over 100 miles back down the road. Boaters usually included roads and small towns as part of wilderness. A substantial number of respondents mentioned "the end of the blacktop'7 as the be- ginning of wilderness. Lucas (1964) summarized that visitors did not have clear wilderness perceptions, and much variation is associated with the recreation chosen. Catton (1969) contrasted two moti- vational extremes between ardent mountain climbers versus sedentary campers. The mountaineer's quest for uncertainty and the urbanized camper's quest for privacy, freedom to socialize, and freedom from ten- sion led Catton to suggest that visi- tors may have diffuse or specific pur- poses for their experiences. Satisfac- tion from experiences was inversely related to specificity of desired out- comes based upon 12 separate stud- ies of consumptive and nonconsump- tive uses across the United States (Vaske et al. 1982). The assumption that wilderness values can be ob- tained from specific and diffuse ex- periences and that consumptive us- ers (specific experiences) need greater success than nonconsumptive users lends support to the contention that private lands can provide better wilderness values to some persons than designated wilderness. Fridger and Hinkelman had data indicating wilderness-related rewards were ex- perienced along a continuum increas- ing from city parks, through state parks, to wilderness areas (Iso-Ahola 1980). Rossman and Ulehla (1977) found many of their wilderness para- meters were experienced only in roadless and untouched wilderness or improved mountain country. From the data it was implied that a complete wilderness is not necessary to obtain psychological rewards. Vaske et al. (1982) related recreation- ists' satisfactions to the interaction between individual characteristics and the characteristics of the activity. He concluded that there are values to a variety of wilderness recreation set- tings in terms of easy access and fa- cilities, degree of restriction of nonre- creational uses, and limits on types and amounts of recreational use. This may open a wilderness door to pri- vate lands. Role of Private Western Ranches Catton (1969) said that wilderness motivations are learned, not inborn, which might explain why wilderness satisfactions vary, why managers presume wilderness users' percep- tions incorrectly, and how positive experiences on private lands can lead toward a trend in using western ranch lands for wilderness experi- ences. Research by Schreyer and Roggenbuck (1978) suggested that reasons for recreation participation are generally attributed to specific satisfactions which participants know, value, and expect. Many re- creationists already know the value of private land for uses such as hunt- ing and fishing. Wilderness values, per se, may not be known now, but can be learned. Overcrowding is a concern to wil- derness purists (Stankey 1973) and an ever-increasing problem (Lucas 1985). Private lands can easily be managed to reduce crowding by mu- tual decisions between paying users and landowners. Paying equitably for satisfaction received is a common concern of businesses and a reality for manag- ing recreational lands. Generally, persons who seek services such as modern campgrounds, roads, inter- pretive programs, wood for the fire, etc., are prepared to pay additionally for those amenities beyond an en- trance fee. Persons in this category are prepared for greater congestion and may even desire association with other campers. Because they are con- fined to organized spots, and be- cause more persons are tolerated, the land is used effectively and effi- ciently for the revenue received. Wil- derness recreation by definition of- fers more remoteness, less develop- ment, and freedom from crowding. In so doing, only a few persons can be in an area at a time and the real cost of providing space per person accelerates without commensurate pay from visitors in designated wil- derness areas. In fact, less money is obtained from wilderness users even though their satisfaction requires greater natural resource inputs. Some demand for wilderness value satisfaction could be supplied on private lands. Many western ranchers have large acreages, beauti- ful scenery, reasonable accessibility, and opportunities for hiking, camp- ing, climbing, hunting, fishing, etc., in addition to the psychological val- ues of wilderness. Access can be con- trolled to meet objectives of land- owners and users. More intensively managed areas for high densities of users could be provided on part of the property, while low density tent- camping and hiking could be al- lowed in other parts. Conflicting uses could be separated by time and loca- tion of use. Fees charged could be commensurate with experiences de- sired. Persons desiring to spend 2 weeks on the property alone or with a small tent-camping party would be expected to pay for the exclusive use. Campers using outdoor recreation vehicles would accept more crowd- ing and perhaps use less back-coun- try, thus more persons could be tol- erated on the ranch at a time. For this group, payment to use the ranch would be proportionally less than for back-country, low-density users as- suming similar use of facilities and services. Other considerations for proper cost scheduling would include re- sources used and services provided. Obviously, if water and sanitation facilities were provided for users, costs would have to reflect those ex- penditures whether provided in the back-country or in high-density ar- eas. Ironically, high-density users could be expected to bring resources 132 with them such as water, portable or self-contained potties, and even sources of light and firewood. If so, their effect on the ranch resources could be much less than low-density back-country users who may desire to use firewood, contribute to sanita- tion problems, and need a water sup- ply due to giardia in mountain streams. Using resources such as fish, wildlife, wood, berries, and mushrooms could be included as products of the ranch on a managed basis. For some, this would add a substantial component to their wil- derness experience. Challenge to Landowners and Users Management and marketing of private land experiences may be the challenge of the 1990's. It may take a while for users and producers to ac- cept the opportunity because it is relatively new. However, farm vaca- tions in the East and dude ranches in the West have operated for many years. Vogeler (1977) estimated that 2,000 vacation farms and dude ranches existed in the United States. His survey of 1,472 vacationers on these properties revealed that they enjoyed peace and quiet and privacy by relaxing on private property which guaranteed those conditions. The absence of organized and planned activities was appealing to both youth and adults. Attitudes ex- pressed by wilderness users in desig- nated wilderness settings were not much different than those of farm and ranch vacations. Even if the "purest" wilderness user would not accept a private ranch experience, the author contends that many persons would, based upon arguments pre- sented in this paper. Landowners may be slower at providing opportunities than the public will be to accepting them. It is quite different to manage people and recreation compared with traditional ranch products. Hunting enterprises on private lands are common in the United States and growing in the West. Many of these businesses offer "wilderness" opportunities. The time seems appropriate for the private sector to pursue these added income- generating opportunities. Traditional ranch products, such as cattle, re- quire large tracts of land, yet return on the investment is poor. Those same tracts of land, with or without cattle, can be turned into recreational assets. The complexity of factors influenc- ing landowners' attitudes toward recreation and subsequent recrea- tional development appeared to clus- ter in three broad areas according to a study of 19 landowners by Shilling and Bury (1973). First, the land-man- agement philosophy of individual landowners was a key factor. Second, landowners were concerned with re- source degradation resulting from human use such as fire, vandalism, and littering. Third, landowners were concerned that free access to public lands may reduce the likeli- hood of paying to access private lands. In the author's opinion, prece- dents have been set for paying to ac- cess private land for uses other than wilderness such as hunting, fishing, and ranch vacations. Willingness-to- pay studies should be conducted for specific market analyses. Pressures to recreate in wilderness are increasing. Wilderness experi- ences are possible on private lands. Private lands offer a special ability to control access, provide services, and charge accordingly. It seems only a matter of time until "wilderness" rec- reation will be a part of many west- ern ranches. Literature Cited Brown, P. J.; Haas, G. E. 1980. Wil- derness recreation experience: the Rawah Case. Journal of Leisure Research. 12(3): 229-241. Catton, R. C, Jr. 1969. Motivations of wilderness users. Pulp and Paper Magazine of Canada: 121-126. Clark, R. N.; Hendee, J. C; Campbell, F. L. 1971. Values, behavior, and conflict in modern camping cul- ture. Journal of Leisure Research. 3(3): 143-159. Downing, K.; Clark, R. N. 1979. Us- ers' and managers' perceptions of dispersed recreation impacts: a focus on roaded lands. In: Pro- ceedings, Recreational impact on wildlands conference; Seattle, WA: 18-23. Hendee, J. C; Harris, R. W. 1970. Foresters' perception of wilder- ness-users attitudes and prefer- ences. Journal of Forestry. 68(12): 759-762. Iso-Ahola, S. E. 1980. The social psy- chology of leisure and recreation. Dubuque, IA: William C. Brown. LaPage, W. 1967. Camper character- istics differ at public and commer- cial campgrounds in New Eng- land. Res. Note NE-59. Broomall, PA: U.S. Department of Agricul- ture, Forest Service, Northeastern Forest Experiment Station. 8 p. Lucas, R. C. 1964. User concepts of wilderness and their implications for resource management. West- ern Resources Papers: 29-39. Lucas, R. C. 1985. Visitor characteris- tics, attitudes, and use patterns in the Bob Marshall Wilderness Complex, 1970-82. Res. Pap. INT- 345. Ogden, UT: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, In- termountain Forest and Range Ex- periment Station. 32 p. ORRRC. 1962. Wilderness recrea- tion— a report on resources, val- ues and problems. Study Report No. 3. Washington DC: U.S. Gov- ernment Printing Office. 352 p. Rossman, B. B.; Ulehla, J. 1977. Psy- chological reward values associ- ated with wilderness use: a func- tional reinforcement approach. Environmental Behavior. 9: 41-66. Schreyer, R.; Roggenbuck, J. W. 1978. The influence of experience expec- tations on crowding perceptions and social-psychological carrying capacities. Leisure Science. 1(4): 373-393. 133 Scott, N. R. 1974. Toward a psychol- ogy of wilderness experience. Natural Resources Journal. 14: 231-237. Shilling, C. L.; Bury R. L. 1973. Atti- tudes toward recreational devel- opment potentials of non-corpo- rate landowners. Journal of Lei- sure Research. 5(2): 74-82. Stankey, G. H. 1973. Visitor percep- tion of wilderness recreation car- rying capacity. Res. Pap. INT-142. Ogden, UT: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Inter- mountain Forest and Range Ex- periment Station. 61 p. Vaske, J. J.; Donnally, M. P.; Heber- lein, T. A.; Shelby, B. 1982. Differ- ences in reported satisfaction rat- ings by consumptive and noncon- sumptive recreationists. Journal Leisure Research. 14(3): 195-206. Vogeler, 1. 1977. Farm and ranch va- cationing. Journal of Leisure Re- search. 9(4): 291-300. Young, R. A.; Crandall, R. 1984. Wil- derness use and self-actualization. Journal of Leisure Research. 16(2): 194-160. The Wilderness Legacy of John Muir— 150 years from Fountain Lake Farm to World Wilderness^ Joseph F(Passineau and Eril^Brynildson1 Abstract.— In their search for inspiration and guidance, advocates of wilderness preservation and environmental stewardship often turn to the life, writings, and philosophy of John Muir. As "Father of the National Parks" and founder of the Sierra Club, his contributions toward wilderness preservation continue to benefit the global community. This paper explores the 150-year-long wilderness legacy of John Muir from his formative years in Wisconsin to his accomplishments as elder statesman for conservation. The importance of his boyhood discovery years at Fountain Lake and their influence in developing an ecological world view are discussed. A World Wilderness Congress Resolution, aimed at fostering greater awareness of Muir and the protection of his boyhood home at Fountain Lake, is also considered. The saw now severs 1865, the pith year of our oak. In that year John Muir offered to buy from his brother, who owned the home farm thirty miles east of my oak, a sanctuary for the wildflowers that glad- dened his youth. His brother declined to part with the land, but he could not suppress the idea: 1865 still stands in Wis- consin history as the birth year of mercy for things natural, wild and free (Leopold, 1949). Introduction The river of concern for wilder- ness voiced at the Fourth World Wil- derness Congress flows in many di- rections. This river pulses with the heartbeat of all nations, uniting them in a common cause — the preserva- tion of "things natural, wild, and free/' Today, the river of concern still echos the voice of earlier conserva- tion prophets who nourish a con- sciousness of respect toward nature and the unifying energies of water, wind, and earth. As one of the earliest and most vocal advocates of wilderness preser- vation, John Muir crusaded for a new ethical relationship between man and (central Wisconsin Environmental Sta- tion, Amherst Junction, WbJDepartment of Landscape ArchitectureCUniversity of Wis- consin. Madison. nature. Through his passionate pleas, forceful rhetoric, persuasive writings, and political sensitivity, he champi- oned the cause of national parks, conservation, and wilderness. In his wake he left a powerful legacy. ..the wilderness legacy of John Muir. This paper, and the Fourth World Wilderness Congress multimedia presentation it summarizes, has sev- eral purposes. First, it describes the significant role which Muir played as an advocate of wilderness and na- tional parks. Secondly, it discusses Muir's formative Wisconsin years and their impact on his personal growth and philosophy. Lastly, a resolution adopted at the World Wil- derness Congress is outlined includ- ing efforts to foster public recogni- tion of Muir's ideals through a ses- quicentennial commemoration of his birth and the designation of Muir's boyhood home at Fountain Lake as a unit within the National Park Sys- tem. John Muir's Wilderness Legacy Muir played a significant role in the development of the American consciousness for conservation, na- tional parks, and wilderness preser- vation. As "Father of our National Parks," Muir was in large part re- sponsible for the establishment of many national parks and monu- ments, including Yosemite, Sequoia, Mount Rainier, and the Grand Can- yon. As a persuasive writer and vo- cal advocate, Muir greatly influenced President Theodore Roosevelt. This partnership resulted in the protection of millions of acres as parks, monu- ments, and forest reserves. Muir's singular impact on the modern con- servation movement has been recog- nized by numerous historians and biographers (Fox 1985; Lyon 1972; Nash 1967; Wolfe 1938, 1945). Based on the recently opened personal pa- pers of Muir, a number of writers have gone beyond Linnie Marsh Wolfe's classic 1945 biography titled, "The Life of John Muir: Son of the Wilderness" to paint a fresh picture of Muir. Historian Stephen Fox de- scribed Muir's impact on America in his 1981 released biography, "John Muir and His Legacy: The American Conservation Movement." Michael Cohen (1984) traced Muir's thoughts and actions in "The Pathless Way: John Muir and American Wilder- ness." Frederick Turner (1985) sum- marized Muir's significance in his "Rediscovering America: John Muir in His Time and Ours." Most of these biographies recount Muir's personal wanderings and the interplay of his world-wide experi- ences and activism with the personal development of his philosophy. Throughout his life, Muir drank of wilderness waters. Beginning with his baptism in the Wisconsin wilder- ness as a youth, he spent countless days roaming the wildest rivers, for- est, canyons, and mountains of 135 America. His love of wilderness took him on walks and voyages through Canada, the Gulf States, the Sierras, Alaska, South America, and Africa (Arden 1973). He described many of these wilderness encounters in his own travel writings such as "A Thousand-Mile Walk to the Gulf" (1917), "My First Summer in the Si- erra" (1911), "Travels in Alaska" (1915), and "Our National Parks" (1901). The evolution of Muir's philo- sophical views is also portrayed in his unpublished journals which were edited by Wolfe (1938) in the book entitled, "John of the Mountains." In addition, Muir's personal spiritual journey from a fundamentalist Cal- vinist upbringing to a transcenden- talist earth philosopher is sensitively portrayed by Thomas Lyon in his 1972 essay, "John Muir." In introduc- ing Muir, Lyon summarizes clearly the power and significance of this visionary figure: John Muir's place in American History is secure. He is one of the chief figures, both philo- sophically and politically, be- hind the modern conservation movement... He helped pre- pare the ground for the later growth of ecological con- sciousness through his in- spired nature writings, and in his public work he made the protection of wild nature a feasible matter of practical politics. Muir was in on the beginning of a major refine- ment in our civilization: away from mindless expansionism, toward the steady state... It is not too much to say that John Muir affected the direction and quality of American life (Lyon 1972, p. 5). Muir ideology was continually re- forged in the heat of battle. As he fought to protect some of America's most significant wild places, he re- fined his spiritual philosophy and retuned his socio-political skills. He marshalled the forces of descriptive writing, persuasive rhetoric, and po- litical friendship to the cause of con- servation. As founder of the Sierra Club in 1892, he gave birth to the en- vironmental advocacy movement. The fight over Hetch-Hetchy stands as a landmark in the annals of con- servation history, fortifying the Si- erra Club and nurturing the citi- zenry-based, environmental rights movements. Muir's success in gain- ing protective status for "places of wilderness" is perhaps his single greatest contribution. His steward- ship ethic toward wild places contin- ues to affect people, places, and poli- cies. Today Muir's wilderness legacy is engraved in the words and actions of the Sierra Club, the Wilderness Society, the Wilderness Act, the Na- tional Environment Policy Act, as well as hundreds of conferences on wilderness and global stewardship. It is important to remember, how- ever, that Muir's fight for Wilderness transcends the simple fight for "places of rocks and trees," for their commodity value. More fully Muir fought for intangible wilderness val- ues. He revered wilderness as cathe- drals of spiritual renewal and sought to enkindle an attitude of respect in others for the aesthetic, ecological values of natural communities. As pointed out by Lyon (1972), Muir saw wilderness as glorified light reflecting the divine, the com- mon truth. His vision was one of "flow and unity," based on divine faith in the oneness of earth and gal- axy. He saw all things as intercon- nected, dependent, and whole. Based on these philosophical tenants, Muir fought for more than "places of trees and rocks" when he campaigned for the Wilderness Cause. His voice was a prophetic call to faith, that man "see correctly.. .the marvelous pleni- tude and mutuality of nature and his own perfect (divine) security within this scheme" (Lyon 1972, p. 29). Con- versely, Muir felt that it was the lack of this vision and faith in the unity of man/ nature that propelled society toward the commercial exploitation of wild nature. In the Muirian sense, "wilderness" is a holistic view, unify- ing man and nature in a common re- newing spirit of oneness. In this sense, Muir's wilderness legacy en- compasses far more than a diversity of protected places, the legacy sym- bolizes an intuitive, ecstatic world view in which man and nature are one and the same. It is symbolic. John Muir's Wisconsin Days Muir's wilderness vision and ho- listic views represented a lifelong evolution of thought and action. Much of Muir's adult life and politi- cal conservation story took place in western America during an era of cultural self -revelation. But the roots of Muir's wilderness ethic and spiri- tuality are much older and run much deeper. By his own admission, they reached back to his Scottish origins and more importantly to his boy- hood days at Fountain Lake in Wis- consin. In his 1913 autobiography "The Story of My Boyhood and Youth," he described with excite- ment his arrival at the Lake, with its carex meadows and fountain springs, and his baptism into the Wisconsin wilderness: This sudden splash into pure wilderness — baptism in Na- ture's warm heart — how ut- terly happy it made us! Na- ture streaming into us, woo- ingly touching her wonderful glowing lessons.. .Oh, the glo- rious Wisconsin wilderness! Everything new and pure in the very prime of the spring when Nature's pulses were beating highest and mysteri- ously keeping time with our own! Young hearts, young leaves, flowers, animals, the winds and the streams and the sparkling lake, all wildly, gladly rejoicing together! (Muir 1913, p. 53). 136 The Muir family lived at Fountain Lake farm until John was 17. As an energetic and adventurous youth, John enjoyed, when time permitted, the haunts in the oak-hickory forest, the carex meadow, and the crystal clear waters of Fountain Lake. He absorbed the lessons of nature, learn- ing to swim by watching the move- ment of frogs. The "Story of My Boy- hood and Youth'7 illustrates color- fully the joys and adventures of Muir and his brothers as their sense of wonder was sparked by the lakes, rivers, and hills of Wisconsin. Muir's personal growth and love of nature can be traced directly to his impres- sionable, youthful days in the envi- rons of Fountain Lake. Muir's developmental years in Wisconsin also hardened him for the tough fights of later years. As a boy, his days were filled with the hard work of carving farm fields out of wilderness. John's father, Daniel Muir, was a Calvinist taskmaster who often followed his religious con- victions to extremes. He kept the Muir boys hard at work for up to 16 hours a day as they cleared the forest and extracted the thin fertility of the soil through intensive wheat farming. When John was 17, his father pur- chased more land and the family moved to the nearby Hickory Hill farm, to again repeat the saga of for- est to field and oak to wheat. Biogra- phers have repeatedly noted the sig- nificant role which hard work and religious fanaticism played in Muir's upbringing. In time he would use the fortitude learned through self-disci- pline to make him master of his own body and mind. Furthermore, he would transform his father's zealous- ness for religious doctrine into his own passionate faith in the unity of nature. While on the farm, John also de- veloped a keen mind for ideas and inventions. Although he did not go to school, he taught himself math and reading skills in the "scraps of time" between meals and chores. In his mid-teens, Muir rose at 1 a.m. and used the 5 hours before dawn to stretch his creative mind. In those dark hours, he worked in the cold farmhouse basement, tinkering with his inventions including clocks, ther- mometers, and barometers. His "early-rising machine" was espe- cially novel as it consisted of a bed- frame contraption that catapulted its occupant out of bed. It was, in fact, his inventive mind that eventually freed him from the farm. At age 22, Muir's novelties at State Fair won him regional acclaim, and an invita- tion to enroll at the University of Wisconsin. For 4 years, Muir fol- lowed an eclectic course of study at the university without ever complet- ing a degree — he was fascinated by the natural sciences including botany and geology. He was later to recall in his book, "My Boyhood and Youth," that he always enjoyed learning and that he simply left "The Wisconsin University for the University of the Wilderness." After leaving Wisconsin in 1863, Muir wandered into Canada taking up work as an inventor in a broom- rake factory in Ontario. According to some biographers, Muir's primary purpose in traveling to Canada was to evade the draft as he was a consci- entious objector to the violence of the civil war. Later, while working in a carriage factory in Indianapolis, his right eye was pierced, temporarily blinding him. For 4 weeks, he laid in a darkened room. During this recov- ery period, he reconciled the internal struggle between his commercial suc- cess as an inventor and his love of wilderness. When his sight returned, he vowed to commit the rest of his life to the beauty of nature. Follow- ing this spiritual conversion, he em- barked upon his life's passion — the exploration, discovery, and sharing of nature's lessons and wonders (Ar- den 1973, Lyon 1972). This period of wandering and self-study eventually took him to California where he re- sided for the rest of his life. Outings to the Sierras and other parts of the world continually reinforced his love for wilderness and his dedication to its preservation. It is clear that Muir's travels in western America were crucial to the development of his thoughts and convictions. Still in unraveling the "Wilderness Legacy of John Muir," it is important to remember that long before there was "John of the Moun- tains" there was also a "John of the Meadow." His passion for wilder- ness was born, not on the mountains, but in the meadows and springs of Fountain Lake. The Preservation of Fountain Lake Muir himself credits Fountain Lake and its envisions as having had the greatest influence on his personal evolution, and as the source of his wonder for wilderness. He also cred- its the area as the place where he first conceived the idea of the national parks, as places forever sacred and protected. According to Linnie Marsh Wolfe (1945, p. 106), Muir's attempt to purchase Fountain Lake after he left Wisconsin represents the "beginning in his thought of the na- tional park idea." The notion of preserving wildlands for present and future gen- erations, a keystone of the national park concept, was further expressed by Muir in 1894 during a speech to the Sierra Club: "Saving bits of pure wilder- ness was a fond, favorite no- tion of mine long before I heard of national parks. When my father came from Scotland, he settled in a fine region of Wisconsin, beside a small gla- cier lake bordered with white pond lilies. And on the north side of the lake, just below our house, there was a carex meadow full of charming flowers... "And when I was about to wander away on my long rambles, I was sorry to leave 137 the precious meadow unpro- tected; therefore I said to my brother-in-law, who by then owned it, "Sell me the 40 acres of lake meadow, and keep it fenced and never let cattle or hogs break into it, and I will gladly pay you whatever you say! "I want to keep it untram- meled for the sake of its ferns and flowers, and even if I should never see it again, the beauty of its lilies and orchids is so pressed into my mind, I shall enjoy looking back at them in imagination, even across seas and continents, and perhaps after I am dead." Other champions of the wilder- ness movement have also shared the Muir dream of preserving Fountain Lake and its wetland meadows. Aldo Leopold, renowned ecologist and one of the founders of the Wilderness Society, also tried to preserve Muir's boyhood home. On April 14, 1948, Leopold suggested in a letter to Ernie Swift, director of the then Wisconsin Conservation Department, that the site be protected as a state park for educational purposes: "In more general terms, such a state park should be some- thing more than a mere stop- ping place for tourists lacking something to do. It might be made a public educational in- stitution in the ecological and intellectual history of Wiscon- sin just as Devil's Lake ought to be an educational institu- tion in the geological history of Wisconsin. I think the time is now right..." (Leopold 1948). Tragically, Leopold's dream was never fulfilled. One week after he wrote the letter, on Muir's birthday, April 21, Leopold died not far away, while fighting a fire near his own be- loved "Sand County" shack. As illus- trated in the opening quote at the be- ginning of this paper, Leopold recog- nized in his essay on the "Good Oak" the true value of Muir and the sig- nificance of Fountain Lake to the his- tory of conservation. Over the past 20 years, many oth- ers have sought to preserve parts of the Fountain Lake legacy. Because of the efforts of Syl Adrian, the Wiscon- sin Department of Natural Re- sources, the Sierra Club, and many other individuals, most of the 160 acres surrounding Fountain Lake are now under protective status. This includes the area known as the Muir Memorial County Park, on the west side of the lake, which is owned and operated by Marquette County, Wis- consin. In 1972, much of the area immedi- ately surrounding the lake was desig- nated a State Scientific Preserve to be cooperatively managed by the Wis- consin Department of Natural Re- sources and Marquette County. The Sierra Club owns another 27-acre parcel northwest of the lake. Seventeen acres of the original Muir homestead, including the build- ing site, were recently acquired by Erik Brynildson. As a research asso- ciate for the University of Wisconsin- Madison, Department of Landscape Architecture, he researched the exact location of the original Muir home- stead, buildings, and plantings. Us- ing oral records, sketches, and photo- graphs he reconstructed the layout of the homestead including the sites of the "bur-oak shanty" which the Muirs lived in while building the farmhouse, which eventually burned at the turn of the century. Two lilac bushes planted by John's sister, Sarah, and several large silver maples which once shaded the farm- house still stand. Below the homesite, the springs still bubble and nourish the carex meadow which delighted the youthful Muir. Many of the in- digenous wetland plants, though rare elsewhere, still inhabit the meadows. Following the principles of "resto- ration ecology," the Muir Fountain Lake homesite is being restored to conditions existing during the time John Muir explored the woods and fields (Brynildson 1987). A dense plantation of red pine has been re- moved and other woody invasions are being controlled. By planting na- tive grassland seeds, the area will be restored to the oak-hickory savanna and prairie complex which flour- ished for centuries before the Muirs arrived in 1849. The existing struc- ture, built on the old Muir cellar de- pression, is also being renovated to better fit the period. In recognition of Muir's wilder- ness legacy and his lifelong passion for the preservation of his boyhood home, a concerted effort is underway to integrate the protection and man- agement of the area. For example, along with selective cuttings, fire is being used to rejuvenate the prairie and marshland habitat owned by various entities. Still there is a great need for a more comprehensive and systematic management plan which would protect the complex natural and cultural values of the area. As with any ecosystem, the whole is more than the sum of its parts. In an effort to promote this synthesis, the authors have proposed that the en- tire Fountain Lake composite be des- ignated a protected historic land- scape area under the National Park Service, to be managed for its educa- tional, scientific, and cultural values (Passineau 1987). Additionally, a "Muir National Historic District" has been proposed as a way of recogniz- ing and protecting other boyhood haunts of Muir, including the Hick- ory Hill farm, Observatory Hill, the Little United Presbyterian Church, and the Fox River. The Ice Age Trail, administered by the National Park Service, also passes by the Fountain Lake property, providing an addi- tional opportunity to highlight the many aspects of a national historic district. Based on the significance of the Fountain Lake site in fostering Muir's idea of wilderness and the national park concept, interest in these proposals are taking shape. Ef- 138 forts are being made to gain grass roots as well as regional and national endorsement of the plan. The Fourth World Wilderness Congress, through its symposium and resolution proc- ess, provided further impetus to this effort by providing an arena for dis- cussion and recognition. The John Muir Resolution April 21, 1988, marked the 150th year of John Muir's birth. During this 150-year span of time, man has de- stroyed much of the world's most precious wilderness. In this same pe- riod, the seeds of a wilderness land ethic have grown. At the Fourth World Wilderness Congress, partici- pants from over 60 nations united to voice a river of concern for wilder- ness places and wilderness values. In recognition of John Muir's wilder- ness legacy, the following resolution was unanimously endorsed by the Fourth World Wilderness Congress (1987). Resolution 36.— John Muir Commemoration and Memorial The philosophy of John Muir has come to be widely recog- nized and accepted as a monumental inspiration to a diversity of people working on behalf of global unity and wildlands protection. He is officially known as the "Father of our National Parks," and was the founder of The Sierra Club. His contributions to- ward wilderness preservation continue to benefit humankind and other life. John Muir credited his boy- hood homestead, known as Fountain Lake Farm in rural Montello, Wisconsin, as hav- ing had the greatest influence on his personal evolution. Muir further credited Foun- tain Lake Farm as the place where he first conceived the idea of our national park sys- tem. The Fourth World Wilderness Congress endorses: 1. The official national designa- tion of April 21, 1988, as the 150th Anniversary of John Muir's birth. 2. The recognition and subse- quent designation of Foun- tain Lake Farm and the Muir Memorial County Park in Marquette County, Wiscon- sin, as being a historically significant landscape of cul- tural importance and worthy of national protection as a unit within the National Park system. 3. The release of a symbolic commemorative stamp by the U.S. Postmaster Gen- eral's Office signifying the 150th Anniversary of John Muir. 4. The creation of a non-gov- ernmental conservation or- ganization that will promote this action and emphasize, through education and advo- cacy, Muir's view of holistic ecology. Sponsor: Symposium on Use of Wilderness for Personal Growth, Therapy and Educa- tion. Follow-up Responsibility: Jo- seph F. Passineau, Erik Brynildson, and Harold Wood. The Fourth World Wilderness Congress and its resolution process served as an important catalyst, reaf- firming the significance of Muir and his message. Since the passage of the above resolution in September 1988, most of the action components have been achieved. Following is a brief summary of action taken in this re- gard. National commemoration of John Muir's birthday. — A Joint Resolution of Congress (Senate 245) was adopted and a Presidential Procla- mation was signed by President Rea- gan designating April 21, 1988, as the 150th Anniversary of John Muir's birth. In related fashion, official proc- lamations were also issued by the Governors of Wisconsin and Califor- nia. Many commemorative events were also held in these and other states during the week of the sesqui- centennial. The National Park Service issued a calendar of events highlight- ing over a hundred John Muir re- lated activities at many of its parks including Yosemite, Sequoia, Glacier Bay, and the John Muir Historic Site. Sierra Club chapters and other envi- ronmental organizations brought rec- ognition to the Muir Conservation Story through local commemorative events and environmental awareness activities for schools and youth or- ganizations. Hundreds of newspaper and magazine articles focusing on Muir and his impact have also been published. National protection of the Muir Fountain Lake site. — Efforts to se- cure national protective status for the Fountain Lake farm have been ad- vanced. The Marquette County board officially petitioned the Na- tional Park Service to consider the area as a national historic site. Sena- tor Robert Kasten (R-Wisc.) has also encouraged the U.S. Secretary of In- terior to study ways to preserve the site. During the Wisconsin com- memorative event at Fountain Lake, the National Park Service, through a presentation by regional director Don Castlebury (1988), officially en- dorsed the concept, and a plan in- volving the National Park Service is being prepared. Commemorative stamp. — Efforts to encourage the U.S. Postmaster General's office to release a com- 139 memorative stamp failed due to in- sufficient lead time. A stamp com- memorating Muir's conservation ef- forts was, however, previously re- leased in 1964, and a Sierra Club cen- tennial stamp, due for release in 1992, will likely depict Muir. Muir Conservation Organiza- tion.— The effort to create a non-gov- ernmental conservation organization to promote the above actions and Muir's view of holistic ecology, through education and advocacy, has had several results. Organizations with an interest in Muir, such as the Sierra Club and the John Muir Me- morial Association, have used the Muir sesquicentennial to promote their individual and cooperative ef- forts. To further efforts at preserving the Fountain Lake environs, the Wis- consin Muir Foundation has been formally established. Summary John Muir played a singularly im- portant role in the development of the conservation movement in Amer- ica. As "Father of the National Parks" and "Son of the Wilderness," his actions have significantly influ- enced public attitudes and natural resources policy. As founder of the Sierra Club, he championed the cause of wilderness preservation and prepared the ground for modern en- vironmental advocacy and activism. Through his words, writings, and actions, Muir has changed the course of world events. He has left for fol- lowing generations a rich legacy of protected wildlands. Equally important, Muir also left a "symbolic legacy of Wilderness phi- losophy" grounded in the steward- ship ethics of caring for the earth. His philosophical orientations offered an alternative world view, one which exchanged the exploitative man-cen- tered perspective for one of ecologi- cal unity and spiritual renewal. His life journey was one in search of per- sonal growth, self-therapy, and edu- cation. Throughout his life, his search for "cosmic truths" lead him to wild places. As a youth in Wisconsin, he loved the magic of Fountain Lake. It kin- dled in him a lifelong sense of won- der for nature. Throughout his trav- els, Muir was reminded of his forma- tive youthful days and the powerful nature lessons of his Wisconsin wil- derness. In many ways, Fountain Lake can be seen as the birth place shaping Muir's ethical commitment to earth stewardship. Although he championed the preservation of vast areas of western wildlands, Muir was unsuccessful in his personal at- tempts to protect the beloved lake and meadows of his youth. Today, in the year of Muir's 150th birthday, there is renewed hope. A growing tide of interest in Muir and his ideals may eventually lead to the fulfill- ment of Muir's own dream — the preservation of the ecological beauty and spiritual wilderness values of Fountain Lake. Literature Cited Arden, H. 1973. John Muir's Wild America. National Geographic. 143(4): 433-461. Brynildson, E. 1987. Restoring the boyhood place of John Muir. Per- sonal paper. Castlebury, D. 1988. National Park Service representative presenta- tion at Muir commemorative ac- tivities; 1988 April 15; Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin. 1988 April 16; Marquette County, WI: Muir Memorial Park. Cohen, M. P. 1984. The pathless way: John Muir and American Wilder- ness. Madison, WI: The University of Wisconsin Press. Fox, S. 1985. The American Conser- vation Movement: John Muir and his legacy. Madison, WI: The Uni- versity of Wisconsin Press. Leopold, A. 1948. Copy of a personal letter to Ernie Swift. April 14, 1948. Leopold, A. 1949. A Sand County Al- manac. Oxford Press. Lyon, T. 1972. John Muir. Boise State College Western Writers Series Number 3. Boise, ID: State Col- lege: 5-48. Muir, J. 1901. Our national parks. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin. Muir, J. 1911. My first summer in the Sierra. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin. Muir, J. 1913. The story of my boy- hood and youth. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press. (1965 ed.) Muir, J. 1915. Travels in Alaska. Bos- ton, MA: Houghton Mifflin. Muir, J. 1917. A thousand-mile walk to the Gulf. Bade, W., ed. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin. Nash, R. 1967. Wilderness and the American mind. London: Yale University Press. Passineau, J. 1987. Personal letter to W. Penn Mott, Director, National Park Service. August 29, 1987. Turner, F. 1985. Rediscovering Amer- ica: John Muir in his time and ours. San Francisco, CA: Sierra Club Books. Wolfe, L. M., ed. 1938. John of the mountains: the unpublished jour- nals of John Muir. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin. Wolfe, L. M. 1945. Son of the wilder- ness: the life of John Muir. New York: Knopf. 140 The Use of Wilderness for Education KarlynjAtkinson-Berg1 Abstract.— Throughout history, stories, beliefs, and attitudes about wolves and wilderness were contradictory but primarily had a negative impact on the wolf. Wolves simultaneously, during this diverse relationship with humans, also became a symbol of wilderness. A proposed International Wolf Center will impart factual information about the wolf, its ecosystem, and our heritage of attitudes toward wolves. By tracing through history and describing the Wolf Center's programming and field trips, including the "Wolves and Humans" exhibit now touring the United States, this presentation shows how such an educational facility can benefit the future, encourage humans to coexist with wolves and other animals, and bring greater appreciation of the wilderness environment. Wolves, and predators in general, historically have been misunderstood and feared, but they have also fasci- nated mankind. Humans and wolves have had a long, close, and diverse relationship throughout time. Few animals have exerted such a power- ful influence on the imagination as the wolf. Through the ages, wolves have been of symbolic significance in human cultures worldwide, and to- day, public interest in the wolf is very high. An increasing number of people revere the wolf as an intrigu- ing animal and a symbol of undis- turbed natural wilderness. By tracing through history and accumulated literature, we can exam- ine how different cultures viewed the wolf, how these diverse attitudes have evolved, and how these atti- tudes historically have significantly affected the wolf. We will see that not all cultures viewed wolves negatively. However, in those that did, legend and folklore, by reinforcing prevailing negative beliefs, may have also encouraged the extraordinary effort to eliminate wolves from most of their original range. Beliefs, fears, and attitudes expressed through history still abound and continue, in spite of con- trary scientific knowledge, to deter- mine the future of the wolf. We need to comprehend this heritage and the contradictions of our perceptions in 1 Committee for gr( International Wolf Center, Bovey, MN/y- order to coexist not only with the wolf but with other creatures as well. The effort to achieve a better un- derstanding of the complex problems of humans coexisting with a predator that traditionally has been viewed as an enemy presents a challenge. To meet this challenge, an International Wolf Center has been proposed. It will serve as a major educational fa- cility providing information about wolves and their wilderness environ- ment. A cornerstone of the Center will be the highly acclaimed "Wolves and Humans Exhibit" produced by the Science Museum of Minnesota and currently on traveling display in the United States and Canada. The idea to build this center is also representative of how the relation- ship between man and wolf has evolved. The best way to understand that evolution is to start the story as far back as possible. Wolves and Humans: The History Emerson (1836) wrote that nature reflects wisdom and is loved by what is best in us. Nature, as a powerful force on man's imagination and soul, affects his ideas. When we look to history for understanding of our rela- tionship with the wolf, we find the powerful force, the emotion of fear, the most prevalent motif. The terror of becoming the physical victim of predation, as well as being spiritually devoured, is a major fear in many cultures. Humans' hostility toward wolves was, and still remains, founded in fear. Fear of competition for prey species and fear of wolf dep- redation of our livestock are pre- dominant anxieties. Roget's Thesau- rus (1963 ed.) even uses "cry wolf" as a synonym for the verb form of the word fear. Only a sprinkling of posi- tive affiliation kinships involving man and wolf, outside of the Native American experience, have been re- corded. Man's first association with the wolf occurred when early man was himself a carnivore and a group hunter like the wolf, dependent on his predatory skills for survival; man and wolf may have even coexisted in an alliance advantageous for both. Wolves probably benefited by scav- enging leftovers from man's camp while perhaps serving unwittingly as "guard dogs" for man. Both may have afforded satisfaction from the companionship as well. This associa- tion eventually must have resulted in man's somehow taming the more so- cial of these canine neighbors, with these wolves eventually becoming man's "best friend," the dog, appar- ently as early as 13,000 B.C. or before (Mech 1970). Despite this early rela- tionship with wolves, the partnership was limited. While the dog remained popular, man also developed an in- creasingly negative attitude toward the wild ancestor of the beloved dog. When man began to domesticate other animals, he came to view the 141 wolf as a highly efficient competitor threatening his livestock. Two possible cultural avenues ex- ist for the wolf /human relationship to follow. People living within the wilderness or a natural environment coexist with nature and even with predators like the wolf. People who have left nature or become "civi- lized'' have set themselves apart from, but also against, nature includ- ing the wolf. We also begin to see man no longer thinking of himself as a predator but fearing and denying the existence of the beast within him- self. Thus, eventually man became fur- ther separated from wild creatures and the wilderness. The Babylonian Gilgamesh text (c. 2,500 B.C.) de- scribed nature as hostile to man, and man as unable to "re-establish domi- nance over the earth" (Gardner 1984). Genesis 9:2 proclaimed "that man shall be estranged from nature and a cursed adversary of animals." Man no longer communicated within and with his environment. Jewish historian, Josephus (c. 66 A.D.), sug- gested that man actually lost his abil- ity to communicate with animals when man was thrown out of the Garden of Eden, a fate he considered man's penalty and loss. From that prescribed time forward, there seems to be a symbolic and real conflict be- tween man and wilderness, including the wilderness creatures. Through agriculture, man set himself to the task of regaining the "Garden of Eden" from the wilderness, and re- gaining the land from the evil clutches of the devil. By cultivating and "civilizing" the wilderness chaos, man moved from his wild past to become a manipulator of his environment. Having chosen the second route, most humans no longer felt an inter- relationship with nature, but instead man came to view himself as owner of all, with creatures existing to serve him. Man not only set himself apart, he appointed himself above nature and strove to overpower it. To avoid being conquered by nature, he set out on a quest to conquer and domi- nate it. Still today, the forest, uncon- trolled by man, evokes for some an anxiety arising from an understand- ing of our ultimate inability to domi- nate nature. Creatures that did not serve man were expendable, and those that would not submit were evil. The wolf was, and is, a symbol of the wild that could not be made subservient. Among some of mankind's oldest written accounts, such as the Gil- gamesh text (c. 2,500 B.C.) from Babylonia, wolves ranked among the four worst evils that man would con- front after the great Flood: the lion, the wolf, famine, and plague. Historically, there is a wealth of narratives pertaining to wolves, de- vouring, and death. These depreda- tions result not only in physical death but the spiritual ravaging and death as well. The wolf, like the devil, it is said, is always looking over the human race (White 1960). His yellow eyes are lit by the devil, capable of pos- sessing you with mere eye contact. The wolf's wide, ferocious, gaping mouth is often shown as the jaws of Hell. The Mongol demon, Jagasstai, whose being was a treacherous mountain path, was also served by wolves (Ossendowski 1922). The wolf is depicted in the bible as de- vouring, like gentle lambs, the chil- dren of God (Luke 10:3). The idea of spiritual death is again seen in Finn- ish beliefs that unbaptized children roam the earth in the form of wolves (Clarkson 1975). The wolf is com- monly portrayed as ravaging the in- nocent with his lustful appetite and devouring virtuous young women. This certainly led to many cliches re- garding men as wolves who "wolf whistle" at beautiful women. On the other hand, prostitutes were also called wolves because they con- sumed their lovers. The She-Wolf of Rome, said to have reared Romulus and Remus, was supposedly a prosti- tute (the Italian word for She-Wolf and prostitute is the same, Lupa). Other versions regard the She- Wolf as a totem and symbol that diplo- matically united tribes into present day Rome (Boitani, personal commu- nication). The Scandinavians be- lieved that hungry wolves pursued the sun and moon. If they were ever to catch and devour these spheres, light would disappear, or if they fa- tigued and quit the chase, the natural procession of time would cease (Wax 1969). Another way of being devoured by wolves was to be transformed into one. Impious Lycaeon, who served Zeus a dish of human flesh, was turned into a wolf along with his sons, and they were considered the first werewolves (Ovid 43 B.C.). The wolf transformation by virtue of wearing the wolf skins, for most cultures, meant one could achieve the attributes of the wolf. For some groups, this had strong advantages and many rituals and ceremonies would include the wearing of wolf pelts. For many Old World pagan cultures, the quality desired and ob- tained from wolves was war-like ferociousness and cunning. The Scandinavian "beserkers" were often described as roaring, wolf-coat war- riors, "howling and gnawing" at the edges of the Elizabethan world (Turner 1980). Lest we think that this was im- agery used only in ancient times, we can note that Hitler called himself "the wolf," his place of war planning his "wolf den," and his U-Boats the "wolf pack." Interestingly, the mili- tary procedure followed by the U- Boats can easily be seen as modeled after wolf-hunting strategy. Colonists left the malicious Old World woodland wolf demons but came to the New World with centu- ries of tradition based on fear. Man feared the actual wrath of nature and wolves as its symbol. In the New World, the Puritans encountered a vast wilderness. They described their desolation as being surrounded by "howling wolves, howling Indians 142 and howling wilderness, a land in- habited by hellish fiends and brutish men that devils worshiped" (Wig- glesworth 1664, in Bergen 1980). The New World battle was even more fearsome for they believed they were truly surrounded by wolves of all kinds. North America was said to be the last stronghold of the devil. For the Puritan, the devil continuously threatened their sanity and piety. Cotton Mather (1702) stated that the people should beware of the "eve- ning wolves," the "rabid," and the "howling wolves of the wilderness which would make havoc among you and not leave the Bones till morning." These beasts of the devil's domain would seek to lure you into their dominion, causing you to lose all bearings and rational, civilized ways, drawing you into the wilder- ness forever. Stiff penalties were en- forced for those who moved too far into the wilderness ahead of "civili- zation." They were transgressors, said to be daring the devil and court- ing doom. Indians were declared the "faithless fallen enemy." Bounties were instituted on wolves and later on Indians. The head of a bountied wolf was proudly hung on the door of the Sunday Meeting House. There it also served as a protection against witchcraft. Early American literature is abun- dant in tales of courageous acts in the conquest over the enemy devil and wolf. But these stories become even more fascinating when observed in contrast to the Native American sto- ries and beliefs. Here we see not sto- ries of fear but an understanding of a vital force linking individual man and animal spirits and the contin- uum of all living spirits. This was man taking the first avenue continu- ing to live in harmony with nature, to be in touch with the wilderness spirit. Through the animal mask, Na- tive Americans would not merely symbolize the animal but would "stick ones head through" to the other spiritual side and acquire a power; that power that exists in the air, land, sea, and all around us. The power of the universe (Ray 1967). Transformation for the Native Amer- ican was not the evil soul possession by the devil but a merger, a shape- shifting of the animal's spirit with that of man's. It often included the belief that all animals possessed dual forms, a human form and a soul. The character of animals was por- trayed in dance, ceremony, and art, with much ritual importance. The wolf was depicted in masks, totems, and in ceremonies as well. The wolf was an important part of many tribes lineage, history genealogy, and kin- ships traditions. Wolf pelts and wolf heads were worn in transformation ceremonies and other ritual dances by many tribes, for example, at the Eskimo Messenger Feast. Native American tribes such as the Cheyenne and Pawnee called themselves the wolf tribes and their scouts were called "wolves" (Grin- nell 1923). They used wolf and dog vocalizations to signal the approach of enemies or allies. While the European feared being devoured by wolves, the Native American considered it an honor to be devoured by wolves and ravens, thus returned naturally to the ecosys- tems from which all life comes. The wolf was studied and its at- tributes respected; this knowledge was absorbed into practical Indian life. Hunters wore wolf pelts when approaching the buffalo knowing that wolves could mingle with the herds in close proximity. A hunter dressed as a wolf could increase his chances of getting a buffalo com- pared with approaching undis- guised. He also used the wolf to catch eagles. By placing a stuffed wolf to look like it was eating meat he would entrap the eagle that landed in an attempt to scavenge the meat from "the wolf" (Mails 1972). Generally the Native American traditions pertaining to the wolf are based on kinship motifs and observa- tion and respect for living things. A number of wolf kinship stories exist in other cultures such as the Etrus- can, Celtic, Christian, and Indian heritages. These usually involve ac- counts of gods, saints, and human infants being raised by wolves. Some claim to be factually documented cases. To consider how possible these claims may be we must acknowledge that although wolves are ideal par- ents in the animal world, the wolf lifestyle would be quite difficult for a human infant to survive (Mech 1970). Kinship was not a theme em- ployed in the westward expansion of white man's civilization in the New World. The westward movement, in many ways, might be described in the words of the Scandinavian poem Edda Voluspo (also used to describe the fate of Hitler's Empire). ..It was a "wolf time.. .when no man on earth his fellow man shall spare." It was a time when most natives who stood in the way of "civilization" were pushed further and further back. It was a continued effort to conquer new terrain, not necessarily for God but certainly for the white man. An expedient and profitable way to eliminate the wolf and the Indian was by removing their means of sur- vival, their prey. The buffalo thus became a prime target. While the ex- tensive waste and remains of slaugh- tered buffalo provided wolves with a wealth of meat for a time, eventually their natural prey disappeared; the buffalo herds were replaced by the settlers' cattle. The wolf, an oppor- tunist, adapted and became a profi- cient hunter of cattle. An intense chapter in wolf annihilation was opened; wholesale extermination measures were undertaken (Young 1944). The cowboy could earn 2 weeks' wages ($5) by roping wolves. This became a favorite past-time for cowboys as well. Not all wolf hunt- ers were cowboys and "mountain men" but some were pioneer fami- lies. Most people do not realize that many of the early settlers were not ranchers or agriculturalists but "wolfers" who went west to profit from this trade. 143 But the most effective and final blow for western wolf populations was the use of poison. Similarly "germ warfare" was so used to elimi- nate Native Americans. Disgrace- fully, one of the concoctions for strychnine wolf-poison was called "Indian Whiskey." Wolf bounties were continued in all the States. In Minnesota, the last state with the largest viable wolf population in the lower 48 states, the bounty was only repealed in 1965. Livestock depreda- tions remain a subject of controversy today. To put the actual threat in per- spective note that there are roughly 12,230 farms in wolf range in Minne- sota, habitation for a population of 1,200 wolves. From 1977 to 1980, the highest cattle losses claimed were .45 per 1,000 available; and in 1979, the highest sheep losses claimed were 1.18 per 1,000 available. In 1980, 40 complaints were filed resulting in 25 claims verified on 15 farms. Approxi- mately 30 wolves are verified as depredators each year and are killed under the Federal predator control program (Fritts 1982). This is a low number of wolves involved and a small percentage of losses, especially considering how many wolves actu- ally live on farms yet cause no losses. Another subject of controversy today is the killing of wolves to in- crease wild prey for man to hunt, while the reduction or curtailment of man's hunting activity is not under- taken. The question can be asked if modern wildlife management also is simply a matter of man dominating and manipulating nature to enhance the "good" species, that is those we want for ourselves. The wolf has al- ways been cast in the "big bad" cate- gory in folklore but has also been thought of in real-life as one of the "bad guy" species. Some question how and if wolves benefit men. Some feel their only value is as a pelt, for others they have no merit at all. From the days of Ghengis Kahn to aerial wolf hunting of modern times, wolves have long been the treasured subject of the ritual hunt, and a sym- bol of man's machismo if he can overpower one. Wolves kill whitetail deer, moose, beaver, some livestock, and some- times even dogs (Mech 1970). This predation alone inspires the most in- tense emotions from people on either side of the wolf controversy. Anti- wolf forces think of the wolf as a de- structive wasteful hunter, and resent the wolf as a hunter of "man's" deer. Many speak of wolf predation as though the menacing wolf lurks about in conflict with nature. (Many pro-wolf people on the other hand prefer to deny or minimize the wolf's predatory lifestyle, and prefer to see it as a jolly dog of the woods.) An attitude that has not yet been abandoned is the unwillingness to accept the existence of other intelli- gent competitive species like the wolf. Hunters do not perceive hu- mans, when hunting as a group, as unfair or malevolent to prey. How- ever, because the wolf is an intelli- gent group hunter, it is considered despicable by many people. Perhaps discerning the wolf as a group hunter is especially heinous to people be- cause it makes man himself feel much more vulnerable to wolves. Predation is often mistakenly de- scribed as violent behavior and even as rape of the prey. These ideas harken back to tales of the werewolf devouring the innocent. As we can see, our actions and at- titudes toward animals have often been motivated by philosophical and religious assumptions we have about man's place in nature and the differ- ences between man and animals. When we hold animals to be subser- vient to ourselves, we can delude ourselves as being less responsible for our actions against them. Predation is one of the most indis- pensable, life-supporting transactions within the environment, a part of the fundamental law of ecology that ev- erything is interrelated. Neverthe- less, that the wolf has a vital ecologic role should not be taken as the sole or prime motivation to "justify" the preservation of the wolf. Man and Wolf Coexisting Does this historic legacy have bearing on wolf /human interactions today? Changing attitudes, philosophies, and ethics involving predators and wilderness are apparent when com- paring historic accounts with trends of today. A new chapter is being written as environmental awareness, conservation of endangered wildlife, and a land ethic are influencing the current perception of our responsibil- ity toward other living things. Learn- ing how to coexist may mean shar- ing, protecting, or even relinquishing our use of certain habitat. How to accommodate protection of environments and endangered species with the economic survival of rural communities presents a di- lemma and an additional challenge. Northern Minnesota, home of the Boundary Waters Canoe Wilderness and the Eastern Timber Wolf, has an economy which has long been based, at least in part, on tourism. This vast northwoods wilderness and its unique canoe trails will become the "global headquarters" of another wil- derness experience. The wolf is probably Minnesota's most unique resource, and it has great allure for many in-state and out-of-state tour- ists. The creation of an International Wolf Center will improve the eco- nomic base for the local community and foster a better relationship with the surrounding wilderness and its wild creatures, especially the wolf. Major goals of the International Wolf Center are to (1) impart factual historical and scientific information about the wolf, (2) heighten the pub- lic's awareness of the predator's im- portant role in the wild through ex- hibits, programming, and field trips into wilderness wolf country, (3) con- sider how humans can coexist with 144 wolves, and (4) broaden our under- standing of the total ecosystem. The most important aspect of the center will be that it will perma- nently house the highly acclaimed Science Museum of Minnesota's "Wolves and Humans Exhibit" cur- rently on tour throughout the United States and Canada. The exhibit, which has already been viewed by 1.5 million people, encompasses a variety of perspectives, and will set the tone for the proposed wolf center as an educational facility. Although the exhibit's original focus is on wolves in Minnesota, it will expand to provide a more international scope. The center will also accommo- date additional permanent and tem- porary wildlife, photographic, and art displays. In addition, the center will offer diverse and dynamic pro- gramming including workshops, classes, and traveling exhibits. Field trips year-round will feature unique aerial and ground expeditions to see wolves, their tracks, and their kills. Trips to "howl" to wild wolves and hear them respond will add another exciting and unparalleled experience. So visitors can learn more about wolves and observe the behavior of this elusive animal, a captive pack in natural habitat will adjoin the Center and can be viewed from two obser- vation floors, plus with video moni- tors. The grounds will be landscaped with natural flora, and natural trails are also planned. The Center will act as a repository for wolf specimens and historic and scientific literature, and provide a location for international wolf and wildlife symposia and meetings. Topics regarding global environ- mental concerns should become part of the programming, making the Center truly an important interna- tional project. It is hoped that through education the Center can benefit the future, en- courage humans to coexist with wolves and other animals, and bring greater appreciation of the wolf and its wilderness environment. The need for this consciousness, however, sur- passes the basic "save the wolf" am- bition. Albert Schweitzer (1969) asserted that an ethic that does not consider our relationship to the natural world is incomplete. Thoreau (1851) reaf- firmed our interconnectedness to the wild when he wrote, "In Wildness is the Preservation of the World." Per- haps the Center can help people re- discover that kinship with the wild. The howl of the wolf which has haunted man as a death chant may then instead communicate a message to us about the wonderful vastness of life in nature which encompasses us all. Literature Cited Bergon, Frank. 1980. The wilderness reader. New York: Mentor Books. [The Frontispiece quote by Wig- glesworth (1664).] Boitani, Luigi. 1987. On the side of the wolf. Rome, Italy: Department of Animal Biology. Personal com- munication. Clarkson, Ewan. 1975. Wolf country: a wilderness pilgrimage. New York: E. P. Dutton. Emerson, Ralph Waldo. 1836. Na- ture, ESSAYS. London: J. M. Dent and Sons Inc. (1930) Fritts, Steven. 1982. Wolf depreda- tions and livestock in Minnesota. Resource Publ. 145. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Interior, Fish and Wildlife Service. Gardner, John. 1984. Gilgamesh. New York: Alfred Knopf. Grinnell, George Bird. 1923. The Cheyenne Indians. University of Nebraska Press. Mails, Thomas E. 1972. Mystic warri- ors of the plains. New York: Dou- bleday. Mather, Cotton. 1702. Magnalia Christi Americana; or the ecclesi- astical history of New England. London. In: Major writers of America. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc. (1962) Mech, L. David. 1970. The wolf: the ecology and behavior of an endan- gered species. New York: Natural History Press. Ossendowski, Ferdinand. 1922. Beasts, men, and gods. New York: Blue Ribbon Books. Ray, Dorothy Jean. 1964. Beaver, Kauwerak lost village of Alaska. Seattle: University of Washington. Schweitzer, Albert. 1969. Reverence for life. New York: Pilgrim. Thoreau, Henry David. 1851. Walk- ing. In: Major writers of America. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc. (1962) Turner, Frederick. 1980. Beyond ge- ography: the western spirit against the wilderness. New York: Viking Press. Wax, Rosalie H. 1969. Magic, fate and history: the changing ethos of the Vikings. Coronado Press. White, T. H. 1960. The bestiary: a book of beasts. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons. Young, Stanley P. 1944. The wolves of North America. New York: Dover Books. 145 Finding Our Way with Play: Lessons from Wilderness Playgrounds and Wildlife Playmates// O. Fred [Donaldson1 Abstract.— A genuine experience of wilderness requires participation of all our senses and a way of knowing more holistic than analytic. A playful approach to wilderness is a major paradigm shift away from our perception of wildlife as prey or specimens and wilderness as scenery or resources. Play offers us a unique opportunity to develop nonverbal interspecific communication without destroying wilderness. Play is a powerful force in both animal and human behavior. But for us to truly play will require a major paradigm shift away from our contest approach to each other and the world. The playful mind is an ecological mind offering a unique opportunity to develop nonverbal interspecific communication. Ye blessed Creatures, I have heard the call Ye to each other make: I see The heavens laugh with you in your jubilee; My heart is at your festival, My head hath its coronal, The fulness of your bliss, I feel-I feel it all. — William Wordsworth "Ode on the Intimations of Immortality from Recollections of Early Childhood" Play comes with life. Play belongs to the child of summer within each of us; a time, not of ownership or com- petition, but of belonging. A time un- complicated by either freedom or se- curity, since we play unaware of ei- ther. A time when we sense more than we know. A time when our sur- roundings— animals, trees, and the earth — are sensate. This article is about my wander- ings in search of playmates and play- grounds. This is a lifelong pilgrim- age; consequently, I present here no finished thesis, rather something to play with and wonder about. I offer this perspective not for such contests as dissection and debate, but play- fully for contemplation and reverie. (1 American Parks and Midlands. Big Sky, What Isn't Play? Play to Win and Every Victory is a Funeral Mind plays an essential role in the functioning of the universe. Reality in nature is not just what we experi- ence but what we learn to experi- ence. The symbolic systems of cul- ture transform physical reality into experienced reality. Moving, touch- ing, even seeing may be acts of vio- lence, of personal aggression, of con- test, or they may be acts of tender affection, trust, or play. American culture, for example, with its rigidly defined principles of contest and its patterns of winning and losing, pres- ents a strongly categorized view of the individual's relationships with his or her environment. We have learned, for example, to experience each other, wilderness, and wildlife as competitors. This is an uncon- scious assumption that we assume to be natural and morally right. This assumption appears so obvious that we are unaware of what we are as- suming, because no other way of ex- pressing our reality occurs to us. Our translation of play as contest is a product of our culture. Individu- alized, our contests lead to numerous stress diseases, accidents, and even suicide. Collectivized, our contest orientation avalanches into random cruelty, persecution, and war. This egoistic distortion of humanity is what we have labeled as human na- ture. As contestants we remain cut off by both knowledge and fear from the heart of experiencing life. We are like the infant who will reject the nipple of a severely anxiety ridden mother even though his or her physical and emotional survival depends on this nourishment (Pearce 1974, p. 21). We have institutionalized our fear of life into a myriad of contests, which are fortresses built to hold what we must not lose. Remote from our playful beginnings, and living by compli- cated artifice, we have come to sur- vey our planet with apprehension and interact with our fellow crea- tures with fear. We, thereby, distort the whole and see only parts. There seems to be some indistinct notion that we all gain in our rush to con- test, but when the applause quiets and the frenzy ceases, it will be per- ceived that only a few win and those only for a time. Play and contest are different re- alities, not simply the same reality experienced in different ways. In the normal course of experience, we learn to adjust to contest relation- ships by suppressing our inner need to trust life. As a contestant, the indi- vidual human is incapable of inter- acting holistically with man and na- ture. The result is a schism in the in- 146 dividual consciousness; what Lau- rens van der Post (1987, p. 50) termed "the human being split in his own nucleus." Contest is a confusion of wholeness and separateness. Cut off by fear from the heart of our own experience, we become distorted fragments of who we were meant to be. This leaves us unprepared to be caregivers for one another and our environment. Learning to be a con- testant is learning to sacrifice life for no life at all. To engage in contest requires per- sistent violence. The more dependent upon this contest system we become the more vulnerable, less flexible and less resilient we become. We have not understood that in our quest to conquer the earth and one another, the longer we win the more we lose. Our proclivity to contest has reached a terrifying climax. The notion that one can win with no one losing is ab- surd, vicious, and impendingly suici- dal. The dangerous assumptions are that winners can be considered apart from losers and that winning may be conceptually separated from losing. We must begin to understand that when we "play to win" every victory is a funeral. Since the work of Johan Huizinga (1950, p. 105), who wrote that "what- ever its form competition is always play," observation has guided re- searchers to see only the utility of play, which has simultaneously lim- ited their vision. There is extensive scientific literature on both human and animal play, but it is terribly flawed because, as traditional people knew and my experience shows, play discloses itself at a depth inaccessible to observation. As contestants we see nature as we see ourselves; we approach life as a "survival of the fittest." We must abolish the institutions of contest and replace them with, not new institu- tions, but with a new way of think- ing. As players, for example, "sur- vival of the fittest" would mean, as Lewis Thomas suggested, "those fit- ting in best with the rest of life." What is Play? Play is the Trust of God in all Life We need another wiser and child- like concept of interaction. The ques- tion is whether or not we have the wisdom to formulate a newly evol- ved process based on new assump- tions. I suggest the paradigm of play to return to our innermost resource, one that unites rather than divides. The physicist Freeman Dyson (1979, p. 17), at age 15, experienced such an insight which he called Cos- mic Unity. Cosmic Unity said, "There is only one of us. We are all the same person." Such a concept is murmured at the conclusion of the pipe ceremony of the Plains Indians: We are all related (Highwater 1981, p. 189). A similar hope is imagined in the Paiute Ghost Dance Song. Refer- ring to the coming of a new age, this song predicts a peaceful world when "the snow earth comes gliding" driven by a whirlwind (Eaton 1974). Russell Schweikart, Edgar Mitchell, and other astronauts who experi- enced earth from space saw a unitary world without boundaries. Hermann Hesse (1972, p. 5) wrote that "noth- ing on earth is more disgusting, more contemptible than borders." Our thinking and behavior haven't caught up with the ecological reality under- stood by these explorer-thinkers. To realize the benefits of play, we need a substantially new manner of thinking about our relationship with the world. Play has survival value much broader in scope than we have heretofore imagined. This is not the survival of humans in contest with their fellow creatures; it is the sur- vival of humans in kinship with their fellow creatures. Play seeks to an- swer the question, "Who am I?" not "Who will win?" The Play Matrix: Played with by the World Am I The first lesson to be grasped: play is nothing if not axiomatic; it neither allows nor needs any proof or any explanation; it can only be accepted for its intrinsic truth. Play is within you or it is nowhere at all. There is no why in play, only trust. If I am faithful to this trust, I may arrive at some glimmering of the "why." Quite frankly, most of us have had little if any training in such a way of interacting. Play requires that we ex- pand ourselves trustingly into the unknown. But this is exactly what we cannot do because we have no cul- tural supports to lean on, no collec- tive experience that makes play seem real because it is lived and shared. And yet we were all born within such a context. As Frederick Leboyer (1976, p. 90) has put it, 'The child is playing! And not ten minutes have gone by since it was born." The womb is our first playground, offer- ing us a source of love, trust, energy, and possibility. Our individual mind /heart plays with the universal mind/heart as if connected. The re- sult is a harmonious rhythm so pow- erful and instantaneous that it is im- possible for the brain to think about it. I would say that we were playing with the universe, were it not equally true that the universe is playing with us. This is play before culture ma- nipulates and distorts it. It is the fluid balance of both mind and body. There is no thought of grasping, no use of energy, no attachment to fear or desire. Play is an ecological process in which one blends with others in a larger tapestry. The essence of play's vitality, like that of an ecosystem, lies in the unity between person and na- ture, as well as between person and person. It is a balanced complexity of interlocking relationships arising only in a form of action that does not attempt to fragment the whole. The universe is a playground full of playmates. Play is not a matter of effort but a gift of grace; it issues from the preconscious intuitions of one's whole being. There is nothing to be afraid of, no awards to win or egos to lose. To play is to enjoy a 147 mystery, not solve it. The secret of play is that there is no secret. It now seems clear to me that the core of the play relationship is the knowledge that all life is of one kind. Play is a relationship, a form of physical and psychological bonding in which communication, interaction, and an intuitive rapport functions outside of culture and ordinary ra- tionale. Play functions as a matrix for players that offers three things for the involved participants: a source of possibility, a source of energy to ex- plore that possibility, and a safe place within which that exploration can take place (Pearce 1977, p. 16). The same three things are necessary to form the matrix of play: trust pro- vides the energy source, playmates the source of possibility, and play- grounds the safe place. I have found playmates in wolves, coyotes, dolphins, and children not for thrill seeking purposes or to see if I can do it. I play only with those who want to play with me. I do not play all the time, nor do I expect it of animals or children. When I was just beginning to learn the signals of play, my exuberance often deflected the cues children were giving me. Consequently, I would proceed with the next step when they had given me the signal that they were not interested. Kindly but firmly, Anthony or Etienne would say, "Not now, Fred." I no longer need to be told; I have learned to sense when to continue and when to walk away. There are times when I begin to enter a wolf enclosure and realize that either the wolves are not inter- ested in play or that I am not ready. In either case, I turn around and leave. In the wild, I am equally aware of the animal's disposition. Trust: The Energy Source of Play "Trust is Power"— Lao-tzu In play we are closest to the won- derful, mysterious integrity govern- ing our universe. If we wish to play, then we must trust a wider world; then we will feel in our body and understand in our spirits the power and grace of play. The best place to store one's surplus trust and love is with those currently in need. By sharing out of our common needs and sufferings, we may surprise our- selves with the strength of our bonds. Play is, in the fullest sense, a different perception built up slowly into a whole we cannot see, but feel. Play-trust is a most valuable be- longing. Sometimes it is shared most readily. But with others, a great deal of shared time and quietude is a pre- requisite. At the beginning of our re- lationship, Sybil, a 2-year-old wolf, would often lie down and just watch me for hours without a trace of ag- gression or confusion. From my seat on a nearby tree stump, I would glance at her every so often. Finally, she would walk over, put her fore- paws on my lap, and rest her head on my shoulder. She would leave as quietly as she arrived. I had the feel- ing then that there was deep in her a level of trust which needed more time and sharing than we had had up until then. She was later to prove me right. Play-trust is like a seventh sense, enabling one to detect what is far away, hidden, and innermost. Ac- cording to Laurens van der Post (1961, p. 67), such "wisdom is the sweetness of the strength that comes to the spirit dedicated to the union of the warring elements of life." This bond is the relationship that Carpen- ter (1959) describes for the Aivilak carver who "becomes one with the seal, and thus finds it easy to por- tray, for he is now, himself, seal." It is the "duck energy" of the Aangitsch people of Kamchatka who believe themselves and the ducks are one and the same spirit (Nollman 1987, p. 23). Laurens van der Post (1961, p. 211) believed the Bushman's "way of knowing was through what knew him;" which seems to be St. Paul's meaning in Corinthians when he says, "Then shall I know, even as also I am known." Trust requires that I must give up control in order to have it. In giving up my power, I share the power of all my playmates. Since there is no struggle for power, no one loses. When, for example, I first entered an enclosure to play with seven anxious, cavorting 2-year-old wolves, there was no question of who had control. Wolves are much faster and stronger than I am. I simply knew not to try to control them. Having released my need for control, I discovered that I did not need it anyway. The wolves blended their movements with mine. Without such trust, there is no ground of potentiality to support play. The player is born here; trust is the meaning from which all play movements emerge. On a sunny, spring afternoon in a mountain meadow north of Yellow- stone National Park, during a walka- bout, I found three young bull elk drowsily resting in the shade of some lodgepole pines and intermittently grazing on the slope of a small hill. After watching them for a while and letting them see me, I felt as if one of them would allow me to share a closer experience. I walked closer in a semi-circle around them. Two ran a short dis- tance ahead, but the one stayed be- hind. I circled slowly so he could watch me. I moved to a spot ahead and along the path I thought the elk would take to join his companions. This young elk meandered and grazed in a zig-zag path toward me as I sat on the grass. I did not move. He kept up his slow pace until he was directly in front of me. He looked at me, but with one eye at a time, as he nibbled the grass right in front of my knees. I could smell his pungent sweetness, see his rib cage swell and relax, and hear his munch- ings. I felt a wondrous sharing in which each of us must have known that we were giving our trust to the other. Such trust is empowering; it is a very personal relationship, in 148 which for a moment the boundaries of the self seem to blend with the other. To play is to be in touch. We were born with this code inscribed in our souls. We have allowed it to lapse through both disuse and misuse. We have been civilized senseless. What impresses me so deeply about my animal playmates is the presence of a certain kind of communication that we have all but lost. It is not just that they communicate more than words; we do that. It is that they allow the soul to express itself through move- ment, touch, and silence. They allow and expect the soul to be an initiator in play, whereas we tend to rely on words and use them as defensive shields. Play's touch is a gesture of deeply interested kinship. Not giving in to the temptation to control, to formulate, to conceptual- ize, to focus — that is playful touch. It is the grasp of the infant rather than the fist of the fighter. One worried and preoccupied, the other simply present. Dolphins, wolves, and young chil- dren seem to understand the impor- tance of this trust. When my trust falters and I worry about such intel- lectual problems as credibility and verification, my playmates give me gifts — surprise of touch, smiles, trust, and affection — that encourage me to continue exploring. My playmates have an uncanny ability to find that inner place that is vague or dark or puzzling within me and shine a ray of light there. Little by little, their trust expands this light, gradually dispelling the dark- ness. They always seem to know when I need them. Like Bateson said of his relationship with dol- phins, "Any relationship is main- tained by a certain amount of un- earned fish." Playmates Play is haunted. A playmate is a single soul dwelling in two bodies. Playmates create a kind of imprint, one that is known primarily through the heart. Play is a response to what is oldest in human and animal life. It represents a long memory, a kind of living continuity through generations of time. The teachers are the plants and animals as well as humans. The lessons are passed on through a deeply felt sense of kinship which carries with it a sense of responsibil- ity backward and forward in time and a feeling of power derived from a sense of belonging. The form and spirit of play are precious heirlooms. To be a playmate is a reciprocal relationship in which the "I" within finds an "I" without. Such blending does not indicate a lack of individu- ality. On the contrary, each partici- pant stands out as a unique and vivid individual. It is rather that this individuality is developed, main- tained, and shared in the interests of all. Playmates provide a positive act of relation which helps me to know myself, not as a separate entity, but as an integral part of a larger whole. This extraordinary sense of relat- edness, of belonging as if all bounda- ries are abolished while at the same time retaining a sense of individual self, is the communion of play. For several years now, my play with many different species of animals and children leads me to believe that at the level of play we all speak the same language. An inner "I" re- sponds to an "I" in another, which is, according to Lyall Watson (1979, p. 340), "primarily under the control of the contingent system, which is something all organisms have in common.. .At the level of their mito- chondria, they all speak the same language." Whether real or imaginary, play- mates are specific, not categorical. They are unconditional mirrors re- flecting simultaneously my unique- ness and my universal ness. Through participation in play, I observe and recognize in an external source some- thing inside myself. Paradoxically, this loss of self, this realization of community can only be experienced in the individual. What we share at the moment of play is the immediacy of a relation- ship. There is something that is abso- lutely uncategorical about this real- ity. The connection made between two playmates is one of trust and love or it is not made at all. Paradox is the special gift of play- mates. In my search for playmates, I have come to realize that there is a wonderful arithmetic paradox which exists among them. One plus one equals one. Play is not a collective experience. What makes play pos- sible can only come from within the individual. It is the individual who finds the truth about play through the trust of a playmate. Playmates fit together into a functional whole, which responds unconsciously and collectively. Often the energetic play sessions are preceded by periods of quiet shared softly over a long span of time. Before going in a wolf enclo- sure for the first time, I spent a week of long 8-hour days on the outside of their enclosure. I sat next to the fence so we (the wolves and I) could get to know one another. I touched, groomed, and watched; they licked, sniffed, and watched. It was a time for building trust in unknown beings. There may be years of experience behind a moment of play. Here, there is no restless, anxious striving but an effortless, tranquil harmony. One of the most difficult aspects of play to grasp is this natural spontaneity and effortlessness in its movements. Con- ceptually, it seems easy to move naturally. Yet the more I think about the meaning of "natural," the more difficult it becomes to explain or ex- perience. It can take an amazingly long time to regain the spontaneity of natural, childlike movement after so many years of forced contrived movements. There is, for example, in aikido a technique called irimi-nage, the 20-year technique. It is time not technique that gives play its breadth, depth, and spontaneity reminiscent 149 of the beginner's mind of the child with fluid openness and one-point intensity. The difficulty is to have the pa- tience to forget my expectations, re- flections, and worries and face the present moment simply and purely. The ability to perform the move- ments of play comes from training with playmates, while the heart of play comes from training the mind. This is "knowing by heart." It is a kind of courage or heart emotion, requiring neither violence nor an as- sertion of egocentric power over oth- ers. "I trust you to be who you are," not "I trust you to be who I want you to be." Playgrounds My childhood attached me to par- ticular playgrounds, while growing sent me on a pilgrimage about the world searching for others. Like a tracker following a trail, I mark the place of my play thinking that play somehow lies on the ground there. I may even retrace my steps hoping to find the place of my play and thus recreate the moment. But like tracks in sand on a windy day, there is no physical evidence of such a place. Playgrounds are not laid out with chalk lines like a football field nor are they built of concrete and steel. Play- grounds are places stored in the soul. Play knows how to make itself at home anywhere. These are places of grace where reality opens up and one knows that he or she is at home. They are possible anywhere and are best not anticipated. Playgrounds are made when mindscapes match landscapes. When the mind is allowed such freedom, it is filled and delighted with the intri- cacies and subtleties of place. A play- ground is a geographic convergence of lifeforms in which not only boundaries disappear but also the thought of being bounded. There is a story about Musashi, a renowned Japanese swordsman, who was re- quested one day to do an ink paint- ing before a powerful lord. He was dissatisfied with his efforts, perhaps because he lost his usual centered- ness in the presence of the lord. "As soon as he was back home on safe territory" he produced the "one- night masterpiece" (Sogen and Katsujo 1983, p. 5). Playgrounds are not places that you just pass through. Wherever you have played you have left something of yourself behind. Recently, while giving a workshop in the Wallawa mountains of northeastern Oregon, I left a yellow bead in a rock basin sur- rounded by peaks over 9,000 feet, following the Kiowa tradition of leaving a "gift to the place." Some playgrounds are solitary — a nest for dreaming in the branches of an apple tree, a pasture with a hill for watching the summer clouds float by, a cliff on which to sit and watch hawks spiral upwards. Other playgrounds are communal, time-spaces snared with a playmate. Harmony comes in understanding and sharing with others on their own terms. It is a most indefinable thing to speak about, the feeling, yet it is decisive because in the end it is what defines a playground. Like feeling the tickle in my hand and in my heart when a chickadee explores her perch on my finger. Like feeling the tingle of excitement in the back of my neck and the heightened sense of aware- ness when I find fresh grizzly tracks in river mud. Sit down, anywhere you like. Give yourself a gift of time and space — enough to make a playground. Each playground has qualities found only by being there. I cannot tell you where this will be, but you will know when you open up to the possibility of such places. Playgrounds are available anywhere on earth, a place and time of refuge from turmoil, strife, and predatory beings. Places are hidden sanctuaries within us, where the unreal becomes actual — where a teddybear listens — and the world of everyday experience seems unreal or at least insignificant. These cozy playgrounds are easy to recog- nize; we have all spent time there — attics, lofts, ponds, trees, fields, streams. All infinity can be contained in an overstuffed chair comforted by a Teddy, a quilt and a dream. It is as though each of us has a play face covered by a contest make; we are programmed for cooperation, but choose conflict. But we can re- move the masks and thereby end the era of contest. We can choose to end it in our own lives. For this to hap- pen, play must be learned, under- stood, and felt in the particular lives of particular people carried beyond abstraction into the specific relations between each person and their place in the world. As individuals, we must first see that our present situ- ation is ethically and ecologically un- acceptable. Then we will find that the way out of contest and into play is not as impossible as it seems. The point is that our play is nature, just as much as the play of the summer breeze with aspen leaves and a griz- zly glissading down a snow slope. Mind plays with thought as wind plays with clouds. The value of play lies in what it indicates about the arrangement of the universe. The very fact that we began life as players is fraught with significance for our future. Playmates belong to a community that is still to come and does not, and probably should not, have any institutions to express it. Play can be an unprece- dented, supremely courageous ad- vance for our species, an exploration into a future unlike anything we have ever known. This is not to say that individuals have not shown us the way. I am reminded of Pablo Pi- casso's wonderful remark, "Don't blame me for those fantastic prices and possessings. I am only playing." And Zen master Sengai, "This play of mine with brush and ink is neither calligraphy nor drawing. Yet in the view of the common-minded people, it becomes mere calligraphy and drawing." 150 The question is not whether na- tions are prepared to substitute play for contest but whether you and I, as individuals, are prepared to do it. From the most ordinary of life's ex- periences, there is the possibility of a moment of awakening. Doubtless each of us holds in memory some special playmate — human or animal, real or imaginary — who has survived conditioning, schooling, and training. They are influences that maintain an inner fire. Life's wonder and mystery lie in such ecumenical relationships. There is a playmate within who may awaken and stir an adult facade, as if it were a scab ready to drop off in a long awaited healing process. Once such awakening begins, we are unmistakably altered, never again to be mindless of the possibilities of play. We are, as Erich Fromm (1964, p. 87) suggested, fully born, able "to develop one's awareness, one's rea- son, one's capacity to love, to such a point that one transcends one's own egocentric involvement, and arrives at a new harmony, at a new oneness with the world." We then catch inti- mations of the depth of our kinship with all life forms, as we explore new playgrounds within our world of routine places and find new play- mates among the crowds of our lives. What if? Learning to relearn to ask this question is the most important lessor. It is the key that opens those fantastic doors of childhood imagina- tion and play. I learned long ago not only to ask this question but to be- lieve. I ask this question a lot. What if I were to play with all those wolves? What if Holly, the dolphin, were to take me under the sea? What if a Monarch butterfly landed on my fin- ger? What if I played with all the children and animals of the world? The fact is that I can play with the world. The fact is both the world and I need it. Acknowledgments Without my playmates, human and animal, there would be no writ- ing. They are not quoted here; but they are here with me in this writing all the same, ai owe a great deal to my numerous, anonymous play- mates. Literature Cited Carpenter, E. S. 1959. Eskimo. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Dyson, F. 1979. Disturbing the uni- verse. New York: Harper and Row. Eaton, E. 1974. Snowy earth comes gliding. Independence, CA: Draco Foundation. Fromm, E. 1964. Zen Buddhism and psychoanalysis. New York: Grove Press. Hesse, Hermann. 1972. Wandering. New York: Farrar, Straus and Gir- oux. Highwater, J. 1981. The primal mind. New York: New American Li- brary. Huizinga, J. 1950. Homo ludens, Bos- ton: Beacon Press. Leboyer, F. 1976. Birth without vio- lence. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Nollman, J. 1987. Animal dreaming. New York: Bantam Books. Pearce, J. C. 1974. Exploring the crack in the cosmic egg. New York: The Julian Press. Pearce, J. C. 1977. Magical child. New York: E. P. Dutton. Sogen, O.; Katsujo, T. 1983. Zen and the art of calligraphy. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. van der Post, L. 1961. The heart of the hunter. New York: William Morrow and Co. van der Post, L. 1986. A walk with a white Bushman. New York: Wil- liam Morrow and Co. Watson, L. 1979. Lifetide. London: Coronet Books. 151 Wilderness, Wildlife, and Conservation Education in Botswana Africa: A Personal Journey^ Joseph F.Cpassineau1 Abstract.— The natural and cultural heritage of Botswana, Africa represents a rich treasury of wilderness values. The wilderness resource includes the vast Kalahari Desert and Okavango Delta with its savannah wildlife populations and the indigenous Bushman aboriginal culture. An African view towards wilderness values and conservation practices is considered by addressing resource issues from traditional and contemporary perspectives. The role of the Department of Wildlife and National Parks in managing these resources and in developing a National Conservation Strategy is described. Environmental awareness is being fostered by the Department's Division of Conservation Education through media campaigns, rural extension efforts, interpretive programs, educational parks, curriculum development, and Wildlife Clubs. "What we need in the world today is to hear within us the sounds of the earth crying" (Zen Prayer). In the veld, where we were standing, the moonlight shone, making black shadows and pale, cool light. The air was still and warm and fra- grant with the grasses of the veld and the voices came to us softly.. .The girls sang well, their songs and the sharp rhythm of their clapping floated over the dark veld to us, mixed with the voices of the frogs. The frogs croaked so loudly by the pan, their croak- ing floated so clearly over the water, that for a while the girls just clapped their hands and let the frogs sing for them. The girls and the frogs kept time, and as the frogs voices gradu- ally faded the girls began to sing again... At the fire the dancers wheeled slowly in their course around the circle, and the fire- light shone in flickering beams through their stamping naked legs, red on their naked backs... The dance went on all ^Central Wisconsin Environmental Sta- tion. Amherst Junction, Wl. night, reaching a climax after midnight when the moon was high and sailing overhead. The medicine men were seized with trances that shook their bodies and rattled their teeth and sent them rushing head- long into the black shadows.. .It is a strange thing to dance all night.. .for the medicine of the rising sun. ["The Harmless People" A Portrait of the Bushman of the Kalahari by Elizabeth Marshall Thomas (1958, p. 252-254.)] Introduction Wilderness and Africa. From my earliest memories, Africa meant wil- derness and wilderness meant Af- rica. For me wilderness is inseparable from a sense of place, its reality is rooted in the experiential. To talk about wilderness is to talk about the impressions of the senses ...the glow of fireflies floating over the meadow, the smell of the campfire, the roar of the lion. We each come to wilderness in our own way and in our own time. This article and the multimedia presentation it summarizes reflects a phenomenological step in my per- sonal journey in search of wilderness and its meaning. It also portrays the story of an African wilderness, its land forms, its wildlife, and its people. In specific, it is a story of ef- forts to protect and preserve the wildland heritage of the Kalahari Desert in Botswana, Southern Africa. The facts, antidotes, and insights are based upon 4 years of personal expe- rience. From 1975 to 1977, 1 worked with the Department of Wildlife and National Parks in Botswana, Africa, and from 1977 to 1979 for the Na- tional Parks Authority in Lesotho, Africa. Since then I have maintained contact with colleagues there who continue to work toward conserva- tion. The African experience fulfilled a boyhood dream and, perhaps more importantly, sparked a long-term personal and professional commit- ment to wilderness preservation, re- source management, and environ- mental education. For me, wilderness means ecological understanding and stewardship. My passion for wilder- ness is fueled by awe, a sense of wonder, and a love of all creation. Botswana's Wilderness World Botswana is a country richly en- dowed with wildlife, wildlands, and wilderness values. Covering 561,800 km2, Botswana is roughly the size of Texas. It contains vast expanses of relatively undisturbed and scenic lands supporting a great variety and number of wild animals. This wilder- ness resource includes the Kalahari Desert consisting of extensive depos- its of windblown sand and a broad 152 savannah plain. The savannah is in- habited by wildlife populations of wildebeest, zebra, giraffe, impala, and elephant, as well as many preda- tory and endangered species includ- ing the hyena, lion, and cheetah (Owens 1984, von Richter and Passineau 1979). In contrast, the Okavango Delta in northern Botswana, forming a great oasis in the Kalahari, represents one of the last great wilderness wetlands in Af- rica. The Delta, characterized by a mosaic of rivers, reeds, and forest, is inhabited by wildlife including crocodile, hippopotamus, lechwe, and elephants as well as cranes, fla- mingos, and fish-eagles. (Campbell 1979) A rich cultural spirit and heritage accompanies these dynamic ecosys- tems. For over 40,000 years the in- digenous Bushmen, or San people, have inhabited the Kalahari. As one of only two aboriginal cultures still in existence (the other being the aborig- ine of Australia), the Bushmen per- sonify the concept of "Survival through Adaptation." Their amazing knowledge of the desert has enabled them to survive in a land inhospi- table to all others. As a nomadic hunting and gathering people, their existence depends on the simplest of technologies and on living close to the land. Based on creation myths, the Bushman believes people, ani- mals, plants, the moon, sun, and stars exist as separate entities but with a common origin and purpose. Everything is simply a part of nature with a right to exist side by side with everything else — man is no exception (Clarke 1975). As illustrated in the opening quote from 'The Harmless People" by Bushman ethnologist Elizabeth Marshall Thomas (1958), the Bush- men have a rich social and spiritual life grounded in their "oneness with creation." Simplicity has reduced wants to needs and leisure time ex- ceeds that found in modern societies. The "Sun Dance" celebrates life and commemorates the renewing energy of the sun as giver of life. Dancing is a religious experience and accompa- nies rituals and passages from birth to death. Dances and trances serve to connect the human world to the greater world of the unknown and unifies man with nature. These vi- sions of the unknown, and other scenes, are depicted in the many rock paintings found throughout Southern Africa. Today less than 3,000 Bushmen live by traditional means, many of them in the Central Kalahari Game Reserve in Botswana. Others work as hired hands in farms and mines and are being acculturated into modern society. As wildlife and wildlands are threatened by farming, ranching, mining, and other modern technolo- gies, the demise of this traditional culture appears inevitable (Campbell 1979, Clarke 1975). When I think of the Bushman, I am often reminded of Laurens van der Post's "Lost World of the Kalahari" (1958) and his moving speech at the 1977 First World Wil- derness Congress in Southern Africa. By sharing his memories of life with the Bushmen, he captured the high- est vision of wilderness.. .an awe of the unknown, a respect for the great mystery that is earth, sky, light, and darkness. As a gazer of Bushman rock paintings and listener of sand songs and dance chants, I too will forever be struck by the beauty of the Bushman culture. To feel it and see the inevitable is to hear the last breath of the last cheetah. Will we ever comprehend the truth of the songs they sing? Contemporary Culture Today Botswana is a youthful, en- ergetic nation, its culture and popu- lation dominated by the descendents of various black tribes which have migrated into the region over the past several thousand years. The po- litical and cultural fabric of modern Botswana has been woven by diverse forces including the dynamics of tribal migrations and affiliations, the impacts of British Protectorate rule, and Botswana's growth as an inde- pendent nation since 1966 (Campbell 1979). Traditionally, their society and economy were based on cattle hus- bandry. Today, agriculture is still the major economic force. The majority of the population (approximately 1 million) lives in the eastern third of the country where better water sup- plies support agricultural endeavors and village and urban settlements. A network of roads now encircles the nation, and the economy is diversify- ing through investments in other in- dustries and services. A social, tech- nological, and economic transforma- tion is taking place. As a result, the natural resources and environmental quality of Botswana are being af- fected. Still the nation continues to take pride in its rich wildland legacy, which it openly shares with a world seeking majestic wildlife and inspir- ing wilderness (Campbell 1979). Wilderness Values The natural and cultural heritage of Botswana provides a treasury of wilderness values. The vast tracts of remote, unspoiled landscape and vi- brant biotic communities seem to ep- itomize the word "wild" and the con- cept of "wilderness." To this is added the legacy of the Bushman culture and the continuity through time and space that it represents. In the Kalahari one is often awe-struck by the immensity of sky and space, the beauty of life forms, and the cry of age-old people. Wilderness values predominate. But what are these values? Can they be classified in the context of U.S. Public Law 88-577 and the work of American colleagues seeking to ana- lyze the wilderness experience quali- tatively and quantifiably? Many ar- eas in Botswana clearly meet the U.S. standards of size, character, and in- fluence (The Wilderness Society 153 1984). They are truly "vast areas of undeveloped public land retaining primeval character and influence/' The Kalahari and Okavango offer outstanding opportunities for soli- tude, primitive and adventurous rec- reation, developing relationships with nature, reflecting on personal values, and emotional and spiritual renewal." Beyond this classification process, however, lies a deeper value. I am reminded again of my days on the Kalahari and of rock paintings. And I realize that true wilderness emanates from the land itself and the people it nurtures. It can only be gained by immersing oneself in the sense of place and by listening. Just as I am reminded that each individual must discover the meaning of wilderness for him or herself, I also think that each people/culture must discover their own wilderness. Superimposing an American view of wilderness with its evolution, laws, and classification on another's 'land" may entirely miss the essential nature of wilder- ness. If "wilderness" is derived from a cultural context, might we all be guilty of "wilderness imperialism" as we homogenize the world with west- ern views and forces. Should not each culture be allowed to discover its own roots and great mysteries... its own wilderness, mind, and spirit (Martin and Inglis 1984, Root 1984). Nash (1987) was correct in adding "American" to the title of his book "Wilderness in the American Mind." What about the wilderness mind of the Bushmen of the Kalahari? Per- haps they were closer to the truth — they simply painted rocks and danced till sunrise. Wilderness Management The extensiveness of wildland in Botswana is highlighted by a recent inventory of wilderness in Africa, sponsored cooperatively by the Si- erra Club, IUCN, UNEP, and the In- ternational Wilderness Leadership Foundation (1987). Using remote sensing and other mapping tech- niques, the study classified 63% of Botswana's land base as wilderness (359,600 km2 of a total area of 575,000 km2). This area represented 23 sepa- rate areas. Of this total area, 99,342 km2 were classified as under pro- tected status in the form of national reserves, natural parks, and sanctu- aries. Although Botswana has no "for- mal wilderness act" in the sense of Public Law 88-577 in the USA, strate- gic efforts have been made to protect, preserve, and manage wilderness ar- eas and values. As wildlife species and populations were reduced dur- ing the past century due to over hunting and conflicting land uses such as grazing and farming, the people of Botswana took efforts to protect wildlife habitat. These efforts resulted in the passing of wildlife conservation and national parks leg- islation in the 1960's. In accordance with these laws, the Department of Wildlife and National Parks was cre- ated to protect, manage, and develop Botswana's wildlife, scenic, and cul- tural resources. The department car- ries out administrative, law enforce- ment, research, and educational ac- tivities to achieve a balanced pro- gram of preservation, conservation, and sustainable utilization of the na- tion's natural resources. Approximately 17% of the total nation (100,000 km2) is preserved in 10 national parks and game reserves. These parklands represent a cross section of the country's scenery, ma- jor habitats, and wildlife for the benefit of present and future genera- tions. Habitats represented range from the sandy dunes and plains of Gemsbok National Park in the south to the wetlands of the Okavango Delta and the Chobe National Park in the north. The Central Kalahari Game Reserve in the heart of the country represents a vast savannah plain. By limiting access, the area also serves as a reserve for tradi- tional Bushman culture (from an American perspective this area ap- proaches the ideal of Catlin's "park reserve" in which indigenous people continue to live in traditional ways). Wilderness values predominate in the National Parks. Visitors are al- lowed to enter under special condi- tions for educational, recreational, cultural, and inspirational purposes. Consumptive forms of wildlife utili- zation and other extractive practices are prohibited (Republic of Botswana 1986) . In addition, another 20% of the country is zoned as "Wildlife Man- agement Areas." Here both con- sumptive and nonconsumptive utili- zation of wildlife are accepted. Wild- life management areas also protect animal migration routes and act as buffer zones between National Parks and major settlements and ranching areas. They also provide extra pro- tection to some habitats and ecosys- tems which do not fall inside Na- tional Parks. As such, wildlife man- agement areas constitute an impor- tant form of land use where the pri- mary intent is to conserve and use wildlife on a sustainable basis (Balopi 1987) . Since its independence in 1966, Botswana has strived to build a vi- able economy and society based on democratic traditions. The Botswana political, social, and economic experi- ment has been recognized by many as highly successful. (I personally en- joyed my years there, and appreciate the ideals, commitments, and struggles of the Botswana nation.) Their conservation policies and pro- grams have been internationally rec- ognized. The forces of population growth, economic development, and lately, drought, however, place con- stant pressure on the limited re- source base. The basic needs of the people are apparent.. .food and shel- ter as well as health, education, and leisure. For purposes of economic devel- opment, Botswana has recently in- vested in several new ventures in- cluding mining efforts to tap the dia- 154 mond and ore beds under-lying the Kalahari. As described by the Botswana Minister of Local Govern- ment and Lands (Balopi 1987) during the World Wilderness Congress, ma- jor efforts have also been directed toward modernizing the livestock industry. In 1975, through the Tribal Grazing Land Policy, individuals and groups with large cattle numbers were encouraged to move from com- munal areas in order to reduce graz- ing pressures and social inequality. As a result major ranch areas in re- mote areas have been developed. Recognizing both the positive and negative aspects of this "develop- ment project," Botswana has recently introduced the National Land Man- agement and Livestock Project, which is intended to instead empha- size "management of the land re- source" (Balopi 1987). As in other countries, some view economic development and other World Bank efforts as a threat to the wildlife, national park, and wilder- ness values of Botswana (Sierra Club 1986). To offset such threats, Botswana is actively formulating a "National Conservation Strategy," a process recommended by several in- ternational conservation organiza- tions (Ngwamtsoko 1987). For ex- ample, through wildlife policy and zoning efforts, major areas, including the Okavango Delta, have been des- ignated Wildlife Management Areas as described previously. The im- plementation of an ecologically sound "national conservation strat- egy and plan" will hopefully protect many of the environmental and wil- derness values focused on during the World Wilderness Congress (World Commission on Environment and Development 1987). Conservation Education and Wildlife Clubs As one of the cornerstones to any "conservation strategy," education plays an important role in the long term conservation of wildland re- sources. Throughout the 1987 World Wilderness Congress and especially in the resolution session, there was a resounding call for concerted action in the area of international conserva- tion/ environmental education. Botswana has already begun. In 1973 the Wildlife Conservation Education Division was established as an integral part of the Department of Wildlife and National Parks. The division was initially formed by grants from international conserva- tion organizations, and leadership and training was provided by Ameri- can volunteers, such as myself, par- ticipating in the Smithsonian/ Peace Corps Environmental Program. Since 1977 the unit has been under the able leadership of Sedia Modise, with whom I worked during my 21/2 years in Botswana. Since its inception, the Wildlife Education Division has been instru- mental in developing a broad aware- ness among the citizens of the value of the wildland resources and the need for conservation. By using a problem-solving approach, the- division has developed specific edu- cational programs to address par- ticular problems and targeted audi- ences. These programs include media campaigns, rural extension efforts, national park interpretive programs, and formal environmental education methods such as curriculum devel- opment, teacher-training workshops, and the creation of Wildlife Clubs. These efforts have had an important effect on expanding ecological awareness and sensitivity toward resource issues, including the need for wildlife management, land use practices, and environmental quality. The creation of Wildlife Clubs and the development of Educational Parks have been especially important in fostering an appreciation for wil- derness values. Since most of the na- tional parks and wildlife areas are located large distances from most cities and villages, and travel is ex- pensive and difficult, only a few of the citizens have had an opportunity to visit parks and view wildlife. To overcome these obstacles, Wildlife Educational Parks have been devel- oped near three of the major cities, Maun, Francistown, and most re- cently, the capital city of Gaborone. Wild animals have been translocated to these fenced, natural areas. Visi- tors are invited to the area for recrea- tional and educational purposes. The parks also provide a valuable tourist attraction. The Gaborone Park in- cludes a visitor/ education center and provides interpretive programs for the casual visitor and environmental education programs for schools and civic groups (personal communica- tions with Sedia Modise 1987, and K. Ngwamtsoko 1987; White 1978). The Wildlife Clubs of Botswana program was initiated in 1976 and has since grown to involve most sec- ondary schools. The program, mod- eled after a similar program in Kenya, is designed to involve high- school students in meaningful, expe- riential conservation activities. Through a series of student/ teacher workshops, a handbook of activities, and field trip outings, many students have had the opportunity to increase their knowledge and appreciation of Botswana's wildland heritage. Of special significance to the symposi- um on the Use of Wilderness for Per- sonal Growth, Therapy, and Educa- tion is the Wildlife Clubs' program of wilderness outings. By participating in these outings many students have developed wilderness-related skills, interpersonal abilities, ecological un- derstandings, and wilderness values. Other African educators attending the 1987 World Wilderness Congress have indicated that they are also util- izing the Wildlife Clubs' format to instill a sense of earth stewardship. Summary and Conclusion The natural and cultural heritage of Botswana represents a rich treas- ury of wilderness values. In addition 155 to vast tracts of wildland and diverse wildlife populations, Botswana is home to the Kalahari Bushmen, one of the world's last aboriginal cul- tures. In total these amenities offer exceptional opportunities for wilder- ness related experiences, as well as personal and spiritual growth. Much of the wildland resource lies under the protective status of na- tional parks, game preserves, and wildlife management areas. The De- partment of Wildlife and Natural Parks is responsible for the protec- tion, management, use, and develop- ment of Botswana's wildlife, scenic, and cultural resources. Develop- ments in other sectors of society, such as settlement patterns, grazing policies and practices, and other land uses, may threaten wildland values. To save its wildland heritage, Botswana has embarked upon a pro- gram of conservation policy and management, including the develop- ment of a National Conservation Strategy. As one of the cornerstones of this effort, the Wildlife Conserva- tion Education Division fosters among citizens a growing awareness of and appreciation for the nation's wildland heritage. In closing I'd like to turn to a per- sonal memory. For me Botswana will always represent Africa and Africa will always symbolize "wilderness." Through personal experiences such as walks in the veld and campfires with friends, the wilderness legacy of Africa has moved and transformed me. I remember especially well being touched by the spirit of the Bushman and by the friendship of Sedia Modise, as we shared a last campfire in the Kalahari. As the sparks drifted skyward, I was reminded of the Sun Dance, the Bushman's night-long struggle to re-establish a oneness with earth and sun. For me, as for many, the essence of wilderness is mystery. ..and magic. Its ethereal qualities span both time and space, linking the past to the present and the present to the future. Through this sense of continuity we may experience awe and wonder. The richness of earth's beauty warms us. We see better our place in the rainbow tapestry of landscapes, life forms, and unique human cultures. As we walk in wilderness, we feel a oneness with the earth. We learn to sing to the rhythm of frogs... and we listen within us to the sounds of the earth crying. Literature Cited Balopi, P. 1987. Speech presented at the Fourth World Congress; 1987 September 11-18; Denver, CO. Campbell, A. 1979 A Guide to Botswana. Johannesburg: Win- chester Press Clarke J. 1975. The Bushman. Johan- nesburg, South Africa. The Mu- seum of Man and Science. International Wilderness Leadership Foundation. 1987. Protected Afri- can wilderness areas: a preview to the world wilderness inventory. International Wilderness Leader- ship Foundation. Martin, V.; Inglis, M. 1984. Wilder- ness: the way ahead. Proceedings of the Third World Wilderness Congress. Findhorn Press, Scot- land. Modise, S. 1987. Personal communi- cation with the Head of the Educa- tion Division, Department of Wildlife and National Parks. Botswana, Africa. Nash, R. 1987. Wilderness and the American Mind. London: Yale University Press. Ngwamtsoko, K. 1987. Personal com- munications with and presentation by the Director, Department of Wildlife and National Parks. Botswana, Africa. At 1987 World Wilderness Congress; 1987 Sep- tember. Owens, M. D. 1984. Cry of the Kalahari Houghton Miffline Com- pany. Boston. Republic of Botswana. 1986. Wildlife conservation policy. Government Paper No. 1 of 1986. Gaborone: Government Printer. Root, W. P. 1984. Seekers, eye-jug- glers and seers: ways of viewing Wilderness. In: Martin, V.: Inglis, M., eds. Wilderness — the way ahead. Scotland: Findhorn Press: 162-177. Sierra Club. 1986. Bankrolling disas- ters: international development banks and the global environment Sierra Club. San Francisco. Thomas, E. M. 1958. The harmless people. New York: Vintage Books. van der Post, Laurens. 1958. The lost world of the Kalahari. Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, New York. von Richter W.; Passineau, J. 1979. Endangered wildlife species in Botswana. In: Botswana Notes and Records, Vol II. Botswana, Africa: 121-125. White, R. 1978. A working plan for the Gaborone Wildlife Reserve. Gaborone, Botswana: Department of Wildlife, National Parks and Tourism. The Wilderness Society. 1984. The wilderness act handbook. Wash- ington DC: The Wilderness Soci- ety. The World Commission on Environ- ment and Development. 1987. Our common future. New York: Ox- ford University Press. 156 The Effectiveness of Wilderness Education: A Review and Evaluation Robert L(Vogl and SoniaCVogl1 Abstract.— Wilderness education programs hold as goals love of self, others, and the environment. Based on these goals, it seems appropriate that wilderness programs attempt to develop a wilderness ethic, a land ethic, and a philosophy of life. Twenty-four dissertations dealing with wilderness education programs were reviewed for the effect of such programs on participants. Over 60% of the studies indicated that the programs had a positive impact on participants primarily in the areas of self- concept and improved social relations. Little was done regarding wilderness ethic, philosophy of life, or environmental attitudes. In developing this paper, we had access to over 700 doctoral disserta- tions concerned with using the out- doors for educational purposes. The dissertations are part of a research library in outdoor education housed at the Lorado Taft Field Campus of Northern Illinois University. The li- brary is intended for use by graduate students interested in learning ways to use the outdoors for educational purposes. Only a small number of dissertations were related to wilder- ness education. In addition to a review of the dis- sertations, a number of books and articles were used to develop an overall perspective on what wilder- ness educators hold as expected out- comes of their programs. These ex- pected outcomes were used to assess what topics are currently of research interest and what topics tend to be ignored. Our presentation will begin with the expected outcomes of wilderness education programs, followed by a discussion of the dissertations re- viewed, and close with some com- ments about popular and neglected topics in wilderness education re- search. A wilderness education experi- ence is always in danger of being dis- connected from the rest of one's life. The pressures of just surviving each moment can make it difficult at times C \ } Northern Illinois University. Lorado Taft Field Campus, Oregon, IL. ) for leaders of wilderness experiences to reach higher goals. While the es- capism inherent in such experiences can be valued in itself, a broader philosophical perspective can con- nect the wilderness experience with the world in which the participants spend most of their lives. A recent book, "The Closing of the American Mind" by Allan Bloom (1987), was helpful as a source of ideas for a philosophical perspective. The book's focus is that of a criticism of college education for failing to ad- dress the questions of what makes life worth living. The search for the good life is an historic concern. It has always in- volved the cultivation of reason. It involves a search for ways in which to unite individual and social good. It involves knowledge about what is good for us and what will make us happy over the long run. Our questions about the good life address the question of what it means to be truly human. The old admonition to know oneself is en- riched by a knowledge of alternative forms of behavior and some ex- amples of what is best in human be- havior. Armed with self-knowledge and models of the best in human be- havior, we can clarify for ourselves what really counts in the circum- stances in which we live. Such educational efforts move us beyond the level of merely reflecting the environments in which we grew up. They can help us consider how we want to conduct our lives. Such an effort involves opening a channel to one's soul — to that inner voice which guides our final judgments and puts everything into perspective. Putting things into perspective in- volves our world view, our sense of connectedness to others and nature, and our sense of right and wrong which transcends destructive short- term tendencies. Social progress is not inevitable; today's generation is not automati- cally better than their parents.' Both we and our youth need models of admiration to help us assess the good and bad within ourselves. It might prove interesting and perhaps star- tling to ask yourself, friends, and stu- dents what their image of a perfect body is followed by a question of what their image of a perfect soul is. I suspect our thoughts of the perfect body will be clear and our thoughts of a perfect soul more muddled. The good life has always involved a sense of moving beyond selfishness and instant gratification to that of serving a higher purpose. If self-seek- ing is one's only end, then self-indul- gence is justified. But self-seeking can destroy the sense of unity essential to the common good. The common good involves some necessities, some sacrifices, and a sense of mortality to reach some higher purpose and fulfill the promise of the good life. By raising questions concerning the good life with participants, wil- derness experiences can be connected 157 with the rest of one's life. In addition to a personal philosophical perspec- tive, participating in a wilderness experience obligates one to address the issue of a wilderness ethic. Graber (1976), in a monograph on //Wilderness as a Sacred Space," pro- vides an excellent perspective from which to assess the environmental impact of wilderness education pro- grams. She contends that the prevail- ing wilderness ethic, in the mind of the purist, is that of sacred space and a focus for religious feelings. It is the purisfs verbal and visual images which help define the wilderness ex- perience as an event central to one's inner life. These images heavily influ- ence individual and group behavior within the wilderness as well as in political actions affecting wilderness. The wilderness ethic is expected to guide human activity within wilder- ness areas. The wilderness is valued for its contrast to humans and their artifacts. One goes to the wilderness to transcend the ordinary world, self, and manner of perception. In the wil- derness, one is expected to be in a receptive mood for contact with the sacred power. One recognizes his in- significance in comparison to nature and gains a sense of unity with na- ture. The wilderness is also a model of how nature functions without human interference. It is a model of perfec- tion. The sense of perfection expands to include a moral order. Spiritual insight comes from perceiving beauty in nature. God's original crea- tion survives on a select portion of the earth. These are the major postulates of the wilderness purist. They are im- portant to wilderness educators as these beliefs have an impact on how their groups should behave in wil- derness areas. The only appropriate behavior includes the following traits: spartanism, antiartifacts, hu- mility, delight in natural features, aversion to social interactions of mass recreation, and isolation and escapism. The purists' expectations also in- volve frustrations for them because many recreationists do not share this overriding concern with wilderness. Other wilderness users may focus on priorities other than wilderness such as personal growth, social interac- tions, or fun. Considerable tension can arise when users fail to abide by the tenets of the wilderness ethic. Yet the wilderness ethic is the standard by which group behavior is evalu- ated by wilderness advocates. While the wilderness ethic is an appropriate guide for behavior in wilderness settings, it offers little guidance for one's behavior upon returning to one's normal daily life. This brings us to the land ethic as advocated by Aldo Leopold. Leo- pold's call to action was targeted at the landscape which supplies the re- sources that sustain modern life. Charles Little (1987) reminds us that Leopold held three criteria for imple- menting the land ethic in our normal lives: ecology, equity, and aesthetics. Those directly involved in wilder- ness education programs identify certain experiences as being most likely to produce the outcomes they are seeking. While some leaders feel that wilderness itself has intrinsic educative qualities, most leaders im- pose a program on participants. Wilderness experiences are seen as making demands on the entire per- son rather than the more limited ex- pectations of traditional education programs. In a recent article, Miles (1987) outlined the contributions of wilderness education to outdoor education and education in general. His paraphrased ideas include the following education outcomes: Humility; Sense of wonder; Recognition of the illusion of human control over nature; Understanding of how humans are nature; Sharpened awareness of human connectedness to nature; Greater respect and apprecia- tion for all life forms; Greater awareness of living in the moment; Simplified life-styles from ne- cessity; Experienced the whole of one's being; and A return to normal life with a new view of possibilities in that life. Colin Mortlock (1984) provides a comprehensive framework on how people ought to conduct their lives and what adventure programs can do to help accomplish those ends. Mortlock advocates that all human actions should be based on the fol- lowing broad principles: To try to develop to the best of his/her ability; An awareness of, respect for, and love of self balanced against; An awareness of, respect for, and love of others bal- anced against: An awareness of, respect for, and love of the environ- ment. From Mortlock a list of potential learnings from adventure experi- ences can be assembled which in- cludes the following ideas: Discover the potential in oneself for constructive, expanding activities; Develop a personal philosophy concerned with ultimate val- ues; Develop a framework of basic values to judge right and wrong; 158 Develop the virtues of the intel- lect (foresight, patience, in- dustry, exactness, ingenuity, curiosity, problem solving, concentration); Develop emotional qualities es- sential to living well (deter- mination, self-discipline, self- reliance, vitality, integrity, humility, compassion/un- selfishness); Develop physical traits (motor skills for adventure activity, physical condition to sustain activity, willingness to par- ticipate in physical activity to get a "feeling great atti- tude"); and Seek maturity by recognizing the truth of oneself, living with integrity, and pursuing happiness by seeking beauty in self, other living things, and the environment. One develops a lengthy list of ex- pected outcomes from wilderness/ adventure programs. While the out- comes are worthy, they also reflect the high expectations of advocates of wilderness education experiences. Worthy purposes are essential and give a program and its leaders their vitality, but leaders also have the re- sponsibility to support their claims with verifiable results, or acknowl- edge their inability to generate sup- porting evidence. Over the long run, the interests of wilderness education are best served by this process of open verification. The list can also be used to iden- tify which outcomes are most fre- quently researched and which ones tend to be ignored. Knowing this, the task of identifying research priorities in the field is made easier. Review of Research— Introduction Over 30 dissertations dealing with the effects of wilderness and wilder- ness-related education programs were located in the Lorado Taft Li- brary collection. Several were dis- missed due to unavailability or lack of relatedness to this project. The 24 applicable programs are included in this report. Of the 24 studies included, 9 re- vealed no significant changes in pro- gram participants, and 15 revealed significant changes in participants as a result of wilderness education pro- grams. While wilderness philosophy holds lofty ideals, programs re- searched focused primarily on en- hancing self-esteem, improving group interactions, and, to a lesser degree, developing environmental/ outdoor attitudes. Based on the assumption that wil- derness is relative depending on the populations, several categories of wilderness-oriented programs were addressed, including resident out- door education or camp programs usually directed toward elementary school students, a variety of special- ized programs, and Outward Bound programs. Four outdoor education programs, 12 specialized programs, and 8 Outward Bound programs are reported. Programs included a wide variety of participants, from elementary school students to disadvantaged and gifted teenagers to adults. Resident Programs for Elementary Students Only one of the four resident out- door education programs reviewed revealed no significant changes in participants as a result of treatment, while three indicated significant changes. One hundred fifty low-in- come boys, aged 11-15 (Alexander 1969), were randomly assigned to a control group or to an experimental group which attended a 6-week Red Feather Camp offering a variety of typical camp experiences. The Ten- nessee Self-Concept Scale and a lo- cally developed Behavior Rating Scale were used as evaluative instru- ments. Pre- and posttests were ad- ministered. Although post-test scores increased twice as much for the ex- perimental group as for the control group, neither increase was statisti- cally significant. Three hundred sixth graders were assigned by a stratified random sample to control or experimental groups in a study of a 1-week resi- dent outdoor education program (Becker 1977). A semantic differential scale, with statements which coin- cided with the state's environmental education guidelines, was devel- oped. Reliability and validity were assumed after administering the in- strument to fifth-graders. Pre- and posttests were administered to both control and experimental groups, and data were analyzed by analysis of variance (ANOVA). Differences between pre-tests, except on the con- cept of environment, were not sig- nificant. Differences between boys and girls were also not significant. Posttests revealed no significant dif- ferences between groups on the con- cepts of environment, interdepend- ence, and pollution; but differences were recorded, significant at the .05 level, on the concepts of conservation of natural resources and human im- pact on the environment. Because of some significant posi- tive changes and no negative changes in the experimental group, the author concluded that resident outdoor edu- cation programs should be offered to all students and that more studies should follow. Entire classes of fifth- and sev- enth-grade students from two coed and two all-girl schools formed the population for 1-week residential ex- periences at Echo Hill, a rustic pri- vate camp (O'Conner 1983). Each school attended the camp separately; all together 148 students were in- volved. The program included three goals: to heighten knowledge of the outdoors, lessen barriers to the physical world, and heighten knowl- edge of self and others. Program ac- 159 tivities were grouped into formal classes, recreational activities, living arrangements, and housekeeping. Self-concept was measured by the Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory, with a test-retest reliability of .70 and assumed validity, and the Michigan State General Self-Concept of Ability Test with test-retest reliabilities rang- ing from .77 to .92. The Student Out- door Education Inventory measured achievement levels and outdoor/en- vironmental concerns. Pre- and post- tests were administered. Scores were analyzed by t-tests. Increases in self- esteem, as measured by both the Co- opersmith and Michigan instru- ments, were significant at the .05 level. Students with achievement lev- els above the 75th percentile in- creased both their self-esteem and self-concept; those between the 50th and 75th percentile increased their self-concept; and students below the 50th percentile increased their self- esteem. Posttest environmental and outdoor concerns scores increased at the .05 level of significance; scores of both boys and girls with previous outdoor experience as well as girls without previous experience in- creased significantly, while scores for males without previous experience did not increase significantly. Subjective reports by students re- vealed that they felt the camp experi- ence was interesting, enjoyable, and special. It should be noted that camp instructors, who were seen as fun and informal, were considerably younger than school teachers. Toward the end of the school year, 110 sixth-grade students from all ele- mentary schools in an upper-middle class community took part in a 4.5- day outdoor education program (Miller 1979). Students arrived at camp on Sunday evening and left the following Friday noon. Teachers and volunteers acted as staff in a pro- gram which offered a wide variety of experiences, including orienteering, canoeing, rappelling, nature and for- est activities, caving, crafts, games, and recreation. The Tennessee Self-Concept Scale, the Horvat Environmental Orienta- tions Tests, with a reported reliability of .70 to .81, and the Cockriel So- ciometric Analysis Scale served as evaluative instruments. Pre- and posttests were administered. Pre- tests were administered immediately before the experience, and posttests were administered immediately fol- lowing the experience as well as 1 month later. Positive changes existed in all self- concept areas, with statistically sig- nificant increases occurring at the .05 level for self-criticism, total conflict, self-satisfaction, and personal self. There were no significant changes in posttest one and posttest two scores. Posttest scores revealed a significant increase in concern with overpopula- tion and a significant decrease in concern for the general environment, with no differences between posttest scores. Leaders — counselors, teach- ers, principals, and policemen — in- creased in social stature, while envi- ronmental concerns did not appear to change much, social benefits were recognized as a result of the pro- gram. It appears that resident outdoor education programs, particularly for middle and upper-middle class ele- mentary school children, result in increased self-concept and social awareness, with environmental atti- tudes remaining relatively un- changed. Special Programs Of the 12 special programs stud- ied, 5 revealed no significant changes in participants as a result of the pro- grams. A program of 7- to 10-day trips in the Sierra Madre for alienated youths, both white and Mexican, be- tween the ages of 15 and 18 who had no previous wilderness experience, yielded only tentative conclusions (Georgi 1978). A student question- naire directed at self-perception of change indicated that participants possibly better understood life mean- ings and learned more about envi- ronmental concerns in a wilderness situation. Further study was recom- mended. Potential dropouts with average intelligence, between the ages of 15 and 18, were selected by principals to serve as control and experimental groups, while well-adjusted youth served as a control (Cole 1957). Stu- dents in the experimental group spent 1 month at a Work Learn Camp. Interviews with the boys served as the primary evaluative in- strument. Seventy percent of the campers felt that camp offered them skills that could lead to employment, yet fewer campers than noncampers graduated from high school. Two fourth-grade classes from an urban area received either instruction in adventure skills (on the school grounds, not in the wilderness) or the standard fourth-grade physical education curriculum (Danziger 1982). The Piers-Harris CSCS (a self- reporting, self-concept scale) re- vealed no significant differences be- tween control and experimental groups. Sixth-grade students from both public and parochial schools in white, working-class neighborhoods took part in a Project Adventure ropes course (Deery 1983). Ten raters, trained by the author, scored students on the "infinite wall" activ- ity. No relationship between locus of control and any of the items on the rating scale was observed. One hundred thirteen socially and economically depressed youth, both black and white, male and female, took part in several 4-day Project Apollo courses (McDonald 1983). A self-reporting How I See Myself Scale, used with Project Apollo pro- grams for over 10 years, revealed sig- nificant growth for the experimental group in only 2 of the 13 categories: autonomy and self-image. The populations in these studies were primarily low-middle to lower- 160 class teenagers. Various wilderness and wilderness-oriented programs appeared to have little effect on them. Thirteen gifted boys between the ages of 11 and 13 were selected to take part in a 2-week camping and canoeing program in the wilderness (Alton 1982). forty different activities were offered. The Inventory of Out- ward Bound Effects, developed and validated by Outward Bound, along with an observer's checklist, served as evaluative instruments. Results indicated that self-awareness, accep- tance of others, and self-confidence increased at the .05 level of signifi- cance; interpersonal competence did not increase significantly. The author concluded that self-awareness and confidence increased with increasing challenges, and that challenging out- door activities and problem-solving tasks allow gifted youth to assess their personal values and the distan- ces between real and imagined limits. Randomly selected boys and girls between the ages of 10 and 13 (20% of whom had leadership potential, and 80% of whom were determined socially, culturally, economically, and educationally disadvantaged) were participants in a program of either a 12-day "typical" camp or a 12-day "special" camp which offered outward-bound type experiences (Coons 1973). Parallel rating scales — for self, staff, and guidance staff, with test-retest reliability of .94 — were developed along with a "Guess Who?" sociometric scale. The objec- tive was to measure development of a more positive self-concept and more positive attitudes toward school and the learning process. Chi- squares, supported by sociometric data, revealed that more positive at- titudes on all issues, significant at the .05 level, existed for the experimental group. No comments were made re- garding results for the leaders versus non-leaders. The author concluded that schools interested in raising self- concept should consider such a pro- gram. Thirty-six high-risk, violent ado- lescents over the age of 16 (residents in a boys' home, 64% of whom had arrest records) experienced a 9-day Wilderness Bound experience (Cat- aldo 1982). Since not enough boys were left from the original sample to provide a control group, participants were matched with a non-partici- pant. Evaluative instruments in- cluded tape-recorded interviews and interactions, performing tests of skill with points given for procedures vi- tal to performing the skill ade- quately, and observing and taping verbal interactions at a barbecue. Categories noted were physical/ ver- bal abuse, acts, solo efforts, coopera- tion, and relationships. Results revealed that skills of cooking, camp use, and roping up were higher for the experimental group than for the control group at the .01 level of significance, and for the experimental group's posttest over the pretest at the .05 level. Ob- servations of interactions revealed posttest improvement over the pre- test at the .05 level for three areas of combative-agreeable behavior: physi- cal abuse, response to insults, and cooperation. Follow-up showed no arrests for 36% of the experimental group dur- ing the next year. Fifty percent re- enacted skills learned during the 6 months following the experience. The author concluded that work- ing through conflicts linked to chal- lenges, accepting adults, and increas- ing competence in dealing with the physical /social environment helps teens to cope with otherwise combat- ive behavior. Sixty members of a 4-H Club who applied for summer camp were ran- domly assigned to attend either a 1937 type camp with a "typical" camp program or an outpost unit of the same camp 1.5 miles from the central camp. Noncampers consti- tuted the control group (Christy 1982). The experimental group lived in tents with no bathing facilities; their program consisted of rotating daily-living duties and rugged out- door and nature-oriented recreation. The Molward-Ginter Outdoor At- titude Inventory, with measured re- liability of .80-.86, was administered as pre- and posttests. As measured by posttests, overall outdoor attitude scores, overall environmental scores, education attitude scores, socializa- tion attitudes, and pollution attitudes were significantly higher for the ex- perimental group than for either the central or control group. The level of significance was as high as .0001 for outdoor attitudes. Although scores became more positive for both cen- tral and control groups, significant differences were found. The author concluded that the out- post campers felt that they were being treated as adults, that each contributed to the group's well- being, and that they performed unfa- miliar tasks successfully, which lead to higher attitudinal scores. No such challenges were met by either of the other two groups. Twenty-five men and 22 women between the ages of 18 and 31 at- tended a 95-day NOLS course of wil- derness adventure activities (Bridge- water 1981). Rotter's Internal-Exter- nal Locus of Control and Jackson's Personality Forms AA & BB served as evaluative instruments. The group's posttest score was compared to their pretest score and to the scores of a normal group. Men and women both moved significantly from abasement and diffidence to- ward autonomy, endurance, order, play, and sentience. Men revealed a higher sense of personal control than women did. The author concluded that the group developed attitudes necessary for coping. Fifty-nine adolescents over 14 years of age with no physical or emo- tional problems were assigned to participate as either control or ex- perimental groups in a 16-day adven- ture-based program, Project USE (Vogel 1979). Shostrom's Personal Orientation Inventory served as the evaluative 161 instrument. Posttest scores measured significantly higher at the .05 level for 7 of the 12 items of self-actualiza- tion and self-perception of personal change. The author felt that the expe- rience helped participants to become more fully functioning and to live a more enriched life. Seventy-five boys and girls in grades 9-12 volunteered to partici- pate in a program comparing Project Adventure, a risk-type program, to the standard physical education cur- riculum (Quimby 1982). All activities took place on the school grounds. Physical tests, the Tennessee Self- Concept Scale, and the Piatt Affective Behavior Scales served as evaluative instruments. In an open-ended ques- tionnaire, more students responded positively to Project Adventure than to the standard curriculum. Self-con- cept increased significantly for the Project Adventure group. The overall experience was deemed positive. Wilderness and wilderness-related adventure education programs, di- rected at both adults and normal and troubled teens, tended to result in more positive self-concepts and so- cially acceptable behavior, while changing little in the area of out- door/environmental attitudes. Outward Bound Programs Five of the eight studies of Out- ward Bound programs found signifi- cant differences between program participants and nonparticipants; only three did not. In the Northwest Outward Bound school, 160 students and over 1,200 nonstudents who had inquired about the program took part in a study which focused on choosing between cautious and risky alternative actions (Davis 1975). Kogan and Wallach's Choice Dilemmas Questionnaire, with relatively high reliability and validity, revealed through the use of t-tests that females were slightly more inclined to take risks after the program while males were slightly less inclined. No results were statisti- cally significant. One hundred seventy male and female high school students took part in Force-12, an Outward Bound type of program (Jones 1978). The Tennes- see Self-Concept Scale, Piers-Harris Children's Self-Concept Scale, and the AAHPER Youth Fitness Scale re- vealed no significant changes in pre- and post-test scores. One hundred twelve adults, aged 20 to 36+, spent 23 days at Colorado Outward Bound School (Scranton). The Inventory of Outward Bound effects indicated that changes, meas- ured at the .05 level, had not taken place in esteem, awareness, assertion, or acceptance of others. Administering the 16 PF to 25 in- structors and 119 students as pre- and posttests led to the assumption that it could predict potential drop- outs from an Outward Bound pro- gram and the conclusion that basic similarities exist between sexes (Hendy 1975). Affluent males between the ages of 15 and 37 volunteered to attend the Hurricane Island Outward Bound School (Matthai 1973). Self- rating scales based on Outward Bound activities and developed by the author revealed through pre- and post-tests that a general, an outdoor, and a scholastic sense of competency increased at a level significant at the .001 level. Older students sensed greater success, and younger stu- dents were more involved in activi- ties. The author concluded that the challenges posed were necessary to evoke confidence. Twenty-six men and 16 women, most between the ages of 16 and 21, with the rest ranging up to 47, at- tended a 24-day Outward Bound school that included map and com- pass work in the desert, rock-climb- ing and rappelling, ropes, and a raft trip (Leiweke 1976). A Personal Ori- entation Inventory, indicating an in- dividual's view of one's own person- ality, with a reliability of .74 and va- lidity assumed due to a .01 difference between clinically judged self- and nonself-actualized people, was ad- ministered. Results revealed a health- ier ratio between inner and outer di- rection and time competence and in- competence, and a significant in- crease in self-esteem values. Differ- ences between pre- and posttest scores were significant at the .05 level. It was concluded that the Out- ward Bound experience significantly influences self-actualization in a posi- tive direction. A mixed group of men and women from the ages of 16-31, from diverse backgrounds, attended a 26- day program at the Hurricane Island Outward Bound School and partici- pated in progressively challenging activities (Winkie 1976). Administer- ing the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale and the Defining Issues Test, which presented moral dilemmas, revealed that moral judgment improved, al- though not at a statistically signifi- cant level; also, while self-concept changes for the entire group were not significant, they were for women. It was concluded that a threat to per- sonal well-being could establish a new sense of self-awareness and ca- pability. A large (291 ) group of boys aged 15-19 years attended the Hurricane Island Outward Bound School for a 26-day course (Clinton). The Tennes- see Self-Concept Scale revealed that self-concept scores improved be- tween the pre- and posttests at the .05 level of significance for eight of nine items and at the .05 level for moral self, personal self, and self-sat- isfaction between the posttest and a follow-up test administered 6 months later. No significant differ- ences existed between age, socioeco- nomic level, race, residence, sports background, or having attended a specific Outward Bound Course. All eight Outward Bound pro- grams cited included participants from a broad range of backgrounds; three revealed no significant changes, five did. Outward Bound programs had a positive effect on perception of 162 the self: self -concept, self-actualiza- tion, self-esteem. Summary and Conclusions The prevailing belief among wil- derness purists is that wilderness is sacred space; the wilderness ethic states that it should be treated as such. Benefits accrued from wilder- ness experiences are claimed to in- clude developing a personal philoso- phy which includes a wilderness ethic, a land ethic, an improved sense of self, and concern for others. Dissertations based on wilderness and wilderness-related programs re- vealed that such programs generally had a positive effect on participants. However, these effects were primar- ily in the area of self-perception, with a few in the area of improved human relations. Very little effort was de- voted to wilderness/outdoor/envi- ronmental concerns. When a pro- gram did focus on these areas, it was found to have little, if any, impact. It appears that research on wilder- ness programs should be more broadly based and include a focus on developing a personal philosophy which includes a wilderness ethic, a land ethic, and concern for others as well as an improved sense of self. Literature Cited Alexander, A. A. 1969. The effect of a residential camping experience on the self-concept of boys from low income families. Boston University School of Education. Ed.D. disser- tation. Alton, Thad Paul. 1982. The applica- tion of experiential outdoor educa- tion and systematic intervention activities to influence affective de- velopment in gifted adolescent boys. Farleigh Dickinson Univer- sity. E.D. dissertation. Becker, Lenere M. 1977. The effect of the resident outdoor experience on attitudinal change toward envi- ronmental attitudes. University of Northern Colorado. Ed.D. disser- tation. Bloom, Allan. 1987. The closing of the American mind. New York: Simon and Schuster. Bridgewater, Herbert G. 1981. The effect of a ninety-five day wilder- ness camping program upon per- sonality. Oklahoma State Univer- sity. Ed.D. dissertation. Cataldo, Charles J. 1982. Wilderness Bound Experience: testing compe- tence in a survival setting. Colum- bia University. D.S.W. diss. Christy, William R. 1982. An assess- ment of the effects of two residen- tial camp settings on environ- mental attitude development. Vir- ginia Polytechnic Institute. Ed.D. dissertation. Cole, Roy. 1957. An evaluative study of an extra-mural school camping program for adolescent boys iden- tified as potential school leavers. Wayne State University. Ed.D. dis- sertation. Coons, Ernest M. 1973. A two-week resident camp offering the pri- mary objective of predetermined attitude change for early adoles- cents. The University of New Mexico. Ph.D. dissertation. Danziger, Ann G. 1982. The effects of adventure activities on the self concept of elementary school chil- dren. Ohio State University. Ph.D. dissertation. Davis, Mason R. 1975. The effects of Outward Bound Training on indi- viduals' propensity for risk taking. University of Oregon. Ph.D. dis- sertation. Deery, Brian E. 1983. The effect of project adventure on sixth grad- ers' reading and math scores, and its relationship to locus of control. Boston College. Ph.D. dissertation. Georgi, David R. 1978. Wilderness as a context for learning: an explora- tory study with implications for learning programs involving life- meanings, environmental educa- tion, and attitudes. University of California. Ph.D. dissertation. Graber, Linda H. 1976. Wilderness as sacred space. Washington DC: The Association of American Geogra- phers. Hendy, Christopher. 1975. Outward Bound and personality: 16 PF pro- files of instructors and ipsa rive changes in male and female stu- dents 16-19 years of age. Univer- sity of Oregon. Ph.D. dissertation. Jones, Christopher A. 1978. An evaluation of the effects of an Out- ward Bound-type of program upon the self concepts and aca- demic achievement of high school students. Boston University. Ed.D. dissertation. Leiweke, John T. 1976. The influence of the twenty-four hour Outward Bound experience on self-actuali- zation. Saint Lewis University. Ph.D. dissertation. Little, Charles E. 1987. Letting Leo- pold Down. Wilderness. 50(177): 45-58. Matthai, Robert A. 1973. The effect of Outward Bound on sense of com- petence. Harvard University. Ed.D. dissertation. McDonald, Daniel L. 1983. The effect of participation in an outdoor ex- periential education program on self concepts. Oklahoma State Uni- versity. Ed.D. dissertation. Miller, Douglas G. 1979. A study of environmental, social, and self- concept attitude changes in stu- dents, through participation in a sixth grade camp program. St. Louis University. Ph.D. diss. Mortlock, Colin. 1984. The adventure alternative. Cumbria, England: Cicerone Press. O'Conner, Sean F. 1983. An ethno- graphic investigation on the im- pact of a residential outdoor edu- cation program on the self-esteem and attitudes to the outdoors of 5th and 7th grade students. Catho- lic University of America. Ph.D. dissertation. Quimby, Thomas R. 1982. The effect of Project Adventure on selected affective and psychomotor out- comes. Boston University. Ed.D. dissertation. 163 Vogel, Robert M. 1979. The effects of Project USE Training (Adventure Training) on the participants' self- actualization and self-perceptions of personal change. Temple Uni- versity. Ed.D. dissertation. Winkie, Philip A. 1976. The effects of an Outward Bound School experi- ence on levels of moral judgment and self-concept. Rutgers. Ed.D. dissertation. Wilderness Education: A Holistic Model^ Delmar W.^Bachert1 Abstract.— The purpose of this presentation is to share a comprehensive definition of wilderness education. In addition, the author suggests a holistic model for wilderness education, the Wilderness Education Matrix. Suggestions for the application of both the definition and the model to wilderness management as alternatives to regulation are offered. America's designated "supply7' of wilderness consists of almost 90 mil- lion acres of land in the federal sys- tem, 7,365 miles of wild and scenic rivers, and nine state wilderness sys- tems. America's "demand" for wil- derness recreation will continue to grow. With protection of resources and open space as the number one ranked issue in the "Report and Rec- ommendations to the President of the United States" by the President's Commission on Americans Outdoors (1986), we should be pleased that at- tention has been focused here and yet dismayed that the need is still so strong. In dealing with the multi-fac- eted issue of protecting our wilder- ness resource, I suggest we take a holistic approach to wilderness edu- cation. Limited support for education, as a partial solution, can be found in the literature. Roggenbuck and Ham (1986) found: Recreation managers are in- creasingly interested in the use of information and education as a management tool because of its potential ability to in- crease the quality of recreation experiences, reduce impacts, gain support for management practices, and reduce manage- ment costs during times of budgetary constraints and personnel changes. 1 Leisure Studies.\Appalachian State Uni- versity. Boone, NC.) Recently I completed historical research on the foundation of the Na- tional Outdoor Leadership School (Bachert 1987). The National Out- door Leadership School (NOLS) is recognized as an international leader in the field of outdoor education, more specifically, wilderness educa- tion. One of the problems encountered in studying the history of NOLS was exploring the practice of wilderness education. A review of literature in the areas of wilderness management, experiential education, and outdoor education indicated a lack of either a comprehensive definition or a model for the concept of wilderness educa- tion. This led to the establishment of two objectives: the development of a comprehensive definition of wilder- ness education and the development of a holistic model of wilderness edu- cation. The historical research method used to gather data on NOLS had two phases. In the first phase, infor- mation was assembled into a mean- ingful chronology of people, places, y X Figure 2.— A wilderness experience. PSYCHOMOTOR DOMAIN z AFFECTIVE DOMAIN COGNITIVE DOMAIN y EDUCATION IN WILDERNESS EDUCATION ABOUT WILDERNESS EDUCATION FOR WILDERNESS X Primary Secondary Exp«rl«nc« or Reflectlvt Experience Figure 1 .—Wilderness education matrix. 165 and events of significance to the founding of NOLS. In the second phase, the data were analyzed and interpreted. It is from the analysis and interpretation of the NOLS cur- riculum and the supporting literature review that insights into wilderness education are drawn. First, a comprehensive definition: Wilderness education is education in the wilderness, implying a place; education about the wilderness, im- plying a topic; and education for the wilderness, implying a reason (Bach- ert 1987). This definition was based on writings by Donaldson and Donaldson (1958), Ford (1981), Sharp (1957), and Smith et al. (1972). Second, a holistic model for wil- derness education is suggested. One can view the NOLS experience as a special case of the larger and more general concept of a "wilderness ex- perience/7 The "experience" results from an effort termed "wilderness education." The model, presented in figure 1, is called the Wilderness Education Matrix (Bachert 1987). Graphics can help one grasp the concept of a wilderness experience expressed in terms of education. Fig- ure 2 is simply a blank cube repre- senting a wilderness experience (per- haps a NOLS experience). Its con- tents are open to interpretation. Fig- ure 3 represents the wilderness expe- rience in aspects of the two realms of experience set forth by Dewey (1938) — primary and reflective expe- riences. The act of hiking a wilder- ness trail might serve as an example of a primary experience. Sharing photographs with friends weeks later, a reflective experience. It is even possible to have a totally reflec- tive wilderness experience; one could read a book and never set foot into a real wilderness. That same reader could develop strong attitudes and values about wilderness. Figure 4 is a model of the concept of wilderness education with three components of the definition empha- sized. Figure 5 represents potential growth in each of the domains of learning: cognitive (Bloom 1956), af- fective (Kratwhol et al. 1964), and psychomotor (Harrow 1972). One can assume that each domain can be found in any learning experience and certainly in a wilderness experience. Figure 1 can be viewed as a com- posite or overlay of figures 3, 4, and 5 over figure 2. That is, a wilderness learning experience can be repre- sented as a combination of experi- ence, wilderness education, and growth within the domains of learn- ing. Primary Secondary Experience or Reflective Experience Figure 3.— Experiential education: a philosophy. X EDUCATION IN WILDERNESS EDUCATION ABOUT WILDERNESS EDUCATION FOR WILDERNESS X Figure 4.— Wilderness education: a method of education. 166 In figure 1, the reader can see the structure and elements of the Wilder- ness Education Matrix. It has three dimensions. Each dimension lies on an axis. The X axis consists of Dewey's theory of experience and education. The Y axis represents the three components of Bachert/ s comprehen- sive definition of wilderness educa- tion. The Z axis is drawn from learning theory and is composed of the cogni- tive, affective, and psychomotor do- mains of learning. It consists of 18 cubes. The walls of the cubes should be viewed as flexible, not rigid, al- lowing for expansion of the content. It is the interaction between the learner and his environment, the "learning experience," that fills each of the cubes with substance. Some of the interaction is planned. Some is incidental. But it is these interactions that make up a wilderness experi- ence. The "NOLS experience" is the unique set of interactions that an in- dividual has on a NOLS expedition. A wilderness experience, in gen- eral, and a NOLS experience, in par- ticular, may be larger than the sum of the parts. It is also suggested that the model allows for differing degrees or intensity of wilderness experience. The difference is accounted for by the amount of emphasis (planned experience, evidenced by written goals or objectives) and incidental experience within each cube that an individual encounters. The proposed definition of wilder- ness education can provide a basis for both communication and re- PSYCHOMOTOR i x Figure 5.— Domains of learning. search. Likewise, the Wilderness Education Matrix can be used as a foundation for facilitating both com- munication and further research. The matrix provides a tool for comparing and contrasting various wilderness education or information programs based on both written goals and ob- jectives and actual field practices. Suggestions for wilderness educators and practitioners include applying the various components of the matrix as a basis (criteria) for program plan- ning and program evaluation. Lucas and Krumpe (1986), after reviewing wilderness management literature, listed a number of issues including: How can visitor regula- tions be minimized while protecting wilderness values? and How can public education and information be made more effective tools for manag- ing recreational use? They recom- mended: Stress educational/informa- tional approaches as a means of visi- tor management and as a means for minimizing regulations that tightly control visitor movement and behav- ior. In conclusion, I suggest that wil- derness education is a preferred al- ternative to regulation in wilderness management. Wilderness manage- ment and wilderness education pro- grams can improve the judgment and positive performance of users by providing both primary and reflec- tive experiences in, about, and for the wilderness resulting in positive changes in their cognitive, effective, and psychomotor learning domains. The author suggests expanded use of wilderness education and the appli- cation of the wilderness education matrix as management tools. Literature Cited Bachert, D. W. 1987. The NOLS ex- perience: a history of the founding of the National Outdoor Leader- ship School. Raleigh, NC: North Carolina State University. Unpub- lished Ph.D. dissertation. Bloom, B. S., ed. 1956. Taxonomy of educational objectives — handbook I: cognitive domain. New York, NY: David McKay Co., Inc. Dewey, J. 1938. Experience and edu- cation. New York, NY: Collier Books. Donaldson, G. W.; Donaldson, L. E. 1958. Outdoor education: a bibli- ography. Washington, DC: AAPHER. Ford, P. 1981. Principles and prac- tices of outdoor/environmental education. New York, NY: John Wiley & Sons. Harrow, A. J. 1972. A taxonomy of the psychomotor domain. Engle- wood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc. Kratwhol, D. R.; Bloom, B. S.; Masia, B. B. 1964. Taxonomy of educa- tional objectives, handbook II: af- fective domain. New York, NY: David McKay, Co., Inc. Lucas, R. C; Krumpe, E. E. 1986. Wilderness management. In: Presi- dent's commission on Americans outdoors, a literature review, management. 1986-165-816:64524. Washington, DC: U.S. Govern- ment Printing Office: 121-135. President's Commission on Ameri- cans Outdoors. 1986. Report and recommendations to the President of the United States. Washington, DC: U.S. Govt. Printing Office. Roggenbuck, J. W.; Ham, S. H. 1986. Use of information and education in recreation management. In: President/ s commission on Ameri- cans outdoors, a literature review, management. 1986-165-816:64524. Washington, DC: U.S. Govern- ment Printing Office: 59-72. Sharp, L. B. 1957. Introduction. In: Outdoor education for American youth. Washington, DC: AAPHER. Smith, J.; Carlson, R.; Masters, H.; Donaldson, G. 1972. Outdoor edu- cation (2nd edition). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc. 167 Outdoor Wilderness Education— A Leadership Curriculum^ Edward O.lRaiola1 Abstract.— This study used an interdisciplinary approach to establish, test, and evaluate a curriculum for outdoor leadership education that is not specific in geographic suitability and is applicable to land- or water- based programs. A pilot test and evaluation of the curriculum based on the questionnaire results and review of literature was conducted to determine to what extent these educational objectives were actually achieved by the program of instruction. Analysis of data from a pre- and post-course, competency-based questionnaire, a student designed ranking-narrative tool, the Unity College Faculty and Course Evaluation form, and investigator observations showed that students had increased their levels of skill, competence, and knowledge related to the curriculum objectives after the completion of the course of instruction. The issues of outdoor wilderness education and leadership have be- come a national concern, both within the profession and from organiza- tions employing outdoor program services. The past decade has seen extraordinary growth in the use of the outdoors for educational, recrea- tional, and human service programs. Increasing numbers of people have found the outdoors a wonderful place to arouse sensitivity, learn practical living skills, shape values, expand cognitive understanding, de- velop commitments, and strengthen personalities. Along with this in- creased demand for outdoor activi- ties comes a need for highly skilled leaders and administrators. If the quality of leadership in the outdoors is to continue improving, the profession must work to develop theories and practices that are appro- priate to such a goal. With this pur- pose in mind, this study proceeded to establish, test, and evaluate a cur- riculum for outdoor leadership edu- cation that was nonspecific in its geo- graphic suitability and flexible enough to be applied to water-based or land-based programs. Respon- dents in the study included not only experts with higher education and field experience in outdoor pursuits, but also students who were leaders- in-training. 'Outdoor Recreation Department ^Jnity College. Unity, ME.^) Methods 1. A questionnaire format was established consisting of a list of 30 objectives compiled from the literature review. 2. The questionnaire was sub- mitted to a panel of five ex- perts and to students en- rolled in the pilot test of the curriculum, asking them to rate the importance of each objective in a course for out- door leadership education. 3. A second questionnaire was developed and submitted to the panel of experts asking them to rate their preference (indoor or field classrooms) for teaching each of the 30 original curriculum objec- tives. 4. Data obtained from the ex- perts and the students were evaluated. Whenever an ob- jective received a combined panel and student rating of 80% or above, it was consid- ered to be fundamental in guiding the development of the curriculum. In addition, the Mann-Whitney U-Test was used to determine if there were significant differ- ences in the distribution of scores between panel mem- bers and students on the set of objectives. 5. The approved objectives, re- lated readings, and personal interviews were considered in designing the curriculum. 6. A pilot test and evaluation of the curriculum was then con- ducted. Evaluation tools con- sisted of a pre- and post- course competency-based questionnaire, a student-de- signed ranking-narrative tool, the Unity College Fac- ulty and Course Evaluation form, and investigator obser- vations. Curriculum Content In designing the curriculum, the investigator sought to organize the content to provide continuity, se- quence, and integration in order to reinforce each aspect and produce a cumulative learning effect. Certain elements emerged as organizing threads: concepts, including knowl- edge base, values, and specific skills and abilities related to outdoor lead- ership. The leadership curriculum was divided into three sections: an intro- ductory field experience of 7 days, the semester course of 15 weeks (where the majority of the teaching 168 took place in the classroom except for two short supervised field experi- ences lasting 3 days), and a final ex- pedition of 9 days. The content of each of these sessions included most of the suggested curriculum objec- tives (see appendix A), but had to be flexible and allow for variable factors such as group progress, weather, ter- rain, and seasonal changes. Results Results based on the findings of the study, within the limitations set forth, are as follows: 1. No significant difference ex- isted between the responses of panel members and stu- dents in terms of the ranking of importance of the curricu- lum objectives for outdoor leadership education. 2. The panel members and stu- dents were in agreement on the 16 most important objec- tives to be included in a cur- riculum for outdoor leader- ship education (appendix B). 3. Indicators of preference for teaching specific curriculum objectives indoors or out- doors were directly related to applicability of each topic to the environment. Curricu- lum objectives which were more directly related to working outdoors, such as map and compass use and low-impact camping prac- tices, were preferably taught in the field, whereas theoreti- cal or academic objectives, such as legal liability or group process, were ear- marked as indoor topics. In addition, indicators of pref- erence for teaching curricu- lum objectives indoors or outdoors were affected by variables such as group size, weather, geographical loca- tions, student-instructor ra- tios, and equipment limita- tions. 4. Field experiences were con- sidered an essential compo- nent of outdoor leadership education by panel members and students. This investiga- tor's observations and the responses to the evaluation tools substantiate the impor- tance of field experiences as catalysts for growth and de- velopment of leadership skills. 5. The analysis of data obtained from the evaluation tools, student comments, and in- vestigator observations indi- cated that the students had increased levels of skill, com- petence, and knowledge re- lated to the curriculum objec- tives after the completion of the course of instruction. Implications/Recommendations From these results, this investiga- tor makes the following recommen- dations: 1. Students coming into this curriculum should not re- quirebasic instruction in wil- derness skills at the level of tent-pitching, stove lighting, or packing their backpacks. While teaching such skills is a part of the curriculum, it is not desirable for leaders-in- training to require introduc- tion to general camping skills. 2. In some settings a two-se- mester format for the cur- riculum might be more ap- propriate than the time frame described in this study. 3. A follow-up study could be completed using the same evaluation tools to support or further demonstrate the effectiveness of the curricu- lum. 4. A follow-up study could be completed to explore gender differences in outdoor lead- ership education. 5. The content of this curricu- lum should be considered in the development or estab- lishment of any standardized outdoor leadership certifica- tion program. 6. Individuals undertaking any future study or application of this curriculum are encour- aged to consider optimal group size for the field expe- riences. Discussion When considering outdoor leader- ship development, it is helpful to dis- tinguish between "training" and "education"; such a distinction illu- minates the necessary interplay of skill mastery, in the technical sense, and the evolution of a larger context of knowledge with which to practice skills. If one thinks of training as the learning of techniques, whether it be fire-making, rope-handling, or map and compass navigation, one can view education as the process through which the student comes to understand the appropriate use of technique, as well as the implications of such use. The education and training of sen- sitive outdoor leaders/educators have some important social and po- litical implications for the use of and general attitudes toward the natural environment. Competent, well-edu- cated outdoor professionals can help change the general public's behaviors and attitudes toward the environ- 169 ment and thus minimize environ- mental degradation through use. Highly skilled and aware outdoor leaders are a major resource for the re-education of the increasing num- bers of people who are discovering the outdoors. By creating outdoor experiences that embody values of preservation/ conservation of nature and promo- tion through role-modeling of a non- abusive relationship with one's envi- ronment, an outdoor leader has a unique opportunity to shape the practices and attitudes of the public. Through this framework, the need for a balance of training and educa- tion in the preparation of outdoor leaders has become self-evident. One also may become aware that the de- velopment of a good leader, as of a good writer, psychologist, or teacher, is an ongoing process. Optimally, the curriculum provides a student with the fundamental skills and knowl- edge for beginning his or her matura- tion in the field of endeavor. For further information regarding the analysis of data, procedures, and the implementation of this curricu- lum, please contact the author. Appendix A— Content of Outdoor Leadership Curriculum Based on the consensus of objec- tives, the review of the literature, and the limitations set forth, the follow- ing nine elements emerged as pre- ferred content of the outdoor leader- ship curriculum. 1. Leadership style This element of the curriculum identifies topics, information, and practices which will en- hance the knowledge, skills, and abilities of the student to develop his/her own leader- ship style. Topics: a. General knowledge re- lated to leadership styles. b. Characteristics of the leader. c. Responsibilities of the wil- derness leader. 2. Judgment/ objective-subjec- tive This element serves to identify topics, information, and prac- tices which will help students to develop their own judg- ment and decisionmaking abil- ity for outdoor leadership. Topics: a. Characteristics of sound judgment. b. Potential problems of poor judgment. c. Process for learning sound judgment. 3. Trip planning and organiza- tion This element identifies topics, information, and practices which will help students to enhance their knowledge, skills, and abilities in program planning, organization, and evaluation for outdoor leader- ship. Topics: a. Common elements of pro- gram planning. b. Considerations of activity and site selection. c. Evaluation tools for out- door programs. d. Common elements of suc- cessful wilderness pro- grams. 4. Environmental issues This element identifies topics, information, and practices which will enhance the stu- dent's skills and abilities in minimum-impact practices and environmental considera- tions that affect wilderness programs. Topics: a. Philosophy of minimum- impact practices. b. Common problems of overuse. c. Minimum-impact prac- tices and procedures. d. Common hazards in wil- derness trips. e. Procedures and practices to minimize hazards. 5. Risk management This element identifies infor- mation and practices which will enable students to become aware of the safety and legal issues associated with outdoor leadership and to develop emergency plans and proce- dures. Topics: a. Common risks in outdoor programming. b. Steps in risk management for outdoor programming. c. Legal liability and stan- dard of care. d. Release forms and ac- knowledgment of partici- pation. e. Emergency policies and procedures. 170 6. Instructional principles This element identifies infor- mation and practices which will enhance the knowledge and abilities of students to teach and present material in an outdoor setting. Topics: a. Introduction to learning styles. b. Elements of experiential education. c. Opportunities and limita- tions on instruction in a setting. d. Teaching techniques for wilderness programming. 7. Navigation This element identifies infor- mation and practices which will help students to enhance their knowledge, skills, and abilities in map and compass use for outdoor leadership. Topics: a. Topographic map symbols and uses. b. Compass use. c. Use of map and compass. d. Planning routes. 8. Group dynamics This element identifies topics, information, and practices which will help students en- hance their knowledge, skills, and abilities to work with small groups in outdoor set- tings. Topics: a. Techniques for communi- cation and problem-solv- ing. b. Common interpersonal is- sues associated with wil- derness programs. c. Opportunities and limita- tions of problem-solving with small groups in an outdoor setting. 9. Nutrition This element identifies infor- mation and practices which will help students to enhance their knowledge, skills, and abilities related to menu plan- ning and preparation for out- door programming. Topics: a. Components of a balanced diet b. Practical nutrition for wil- derness leaders. c. Organizing and planning food for outdoor pro- gramming. d. Techniques for food preparation in the field. Appendix B— Ranking and Mean Score of Consensus Objectives of Curriculum for Outdoor Leadership by Panel Members and Students 3.5 29 Objective Rank Mean number 3.8 4 3.6 7 3.5 12 Topic Experiences lead- ing groups. Knowledge of subjective and ob- jective dangers. Knowledge of judgment/deci- sionmaking proc- ess. 12 13 14 3.5 11 3.4 13 3.3 17 8 3.3 3.3 10 3.3 11 3.3 3.3 3.2 3.2 15 3.2 16 3.2 27 20 30 14 Information and theory that relate to the leader's ability to plan, prepare, and exe- cute an activity with minimum impact on the en- vironment and without injury to the participants. Participation in an 8- to 10-day field component. Knowledge and theory of common hazards in wilder- ness settings. Knowledge of en- vironmental fac- tors that affect wilderness trips. Legal liability, standard of care, negligence. Knowledge of programs itiner- ary. Low-impact wil- derness use prac- tices. Information and knowledge of teaching tech- niques. Use of map and compass. Knowledge and theory of program planning. Knowledge and theory of risk management. Knowledge and theory of good oral communica- tion. Presentation of techniques for learning specific technical motor competencies (i.e., wilderness first aid, climbing, kay- aking). 171 Perceived Changes in University Student Knowledge and Opinions Concerning Wilderness Management Issues/r Karen E(Cathey and Michael H.lLegg1 Abstract.— Wilderness area management issues were used to test the hypothesis that level of knowledge and opinions regarding wilderness area management policies are related. Scales were developed for measuring opinion on wilderness management, and opinion scale scores were correlated with knowledge levels. Using a pretest/posttest design, opinions of students in freshmen classes were tested before and after reading an informative paper on wilderness management. Results show that students attending Stephen F. Austin State University are predominantly classified as "urbanist" in wilderness values and tend to be pro-wilderness management in attitude. Knowledge was found to be positively related to opinions concerning management of wilderness areas. In 1984, the Texas Wilderness Act created five new wilderness areas in the eastern portion of the state of Texas. Prior to this time, the only wilderness in Texas was Guadalupe Mountains National Park, about 700 miles away in the far western portion of Texas. The five Texas wilderness areas were created only after several years of struggle by environmental- ists and court action. The areas are still involved in legal controversy concerning timber harvest to control southern pine beetle and other man- agement issues. Management of wilderness areas is a multi-faceted issue. There are reasons to support or object to each management approach. Some of the management issues faced are: wild- life management; recreation impact- restoration of impacted land; protec- tion of the area from natural catastro- phes such as wildfire or pests and disease; and the exclusion (or not) of exotic species. All must be managed in a manner that does not disturb the essential emotional and inspirational connotations of wilderness (Hendee 1985). Before any attempt can be made to modify behavior, we must determine what the population knows and how they feel about pres- ent policies (Borden and Schettino [ W.S. Army Corps of Engineers. Fort Worth district, Georgetown, TexasySchool of For- estry, Stephen F. Austin Stare University, Na- cogdoches, JX. 1979, Watson 1985). It is likely that managers underestimate visitor ac- ceptance of some behavioral controls. Often visitors feel that a minimal amount of management action is nec- essary to ensure an enduring re- source (Watson 1985). Beard's (1974) study supports this. He found a lack of knowledge about the uses of Na- tional Parks and wilderness areas among the Sierra Club members tested. Objectives The objectives of this study were to determine the knowledge and opinions of university students con- cerning wilderness management policies of the USDA Forest Service, and determine the extent of and rela- tion between the change in knowl- edge and opinion that occurred fol- lowing their reading of unbiased in- formative material on the issue. Methods The study surveyed students (n = 202) attending Stephen F. Austin State University in Nacogdoches, Texas. Introductory sociology, psy- chology, geology, forestry, and bot- any classes were selected because of the general nature of their content and the wide range of academic ma- jors enrolled in them. Located in deep east Texas, Stephen F. Austin State University is in an area where much of the economy is based on the timber industry. Within a 100-mile radius are Upland Island and Turkey Hill (Angelina National Forest), In- dian Mounds (Sabine National For- est), Little Lake Creek (Sam Houston National Forest), and Big Slough (Davy Crockett National Forest) wil- derness areas. The controversy con- cerning the establishment and future management of these wilderness ar- eas has received extensive media coverage. Environmental activists, including Earth First members, have led protest rallies on the Stephen F. Austin State University campus. Stu- dents on campus were exposed to the issues of wilderness management numerous times during the period immediately preceding the study. Design As per Isaac and Michael (1981), the Randomized Solomon Four Group Design was applied. Accord- ing to this design, the total tested population was divided into four major groups. Group I was given the pretest, the treatment, and the posttest; Group II was pretested and posttested, with no treatment in be- tween. This is the control group. Group III was given only the treat- ment and the posttest. As a control on Group III, Group IV was given only the posttest. Thus the effect of the pretest, the treatment, and the 172 effects of maturation and history out- side the treatment were isolated (Isaac and Michael 1981). A questionnaire was developed which was used to determine partici- pants' levels of knowledge concern- ing wilderness area management (table 1). An informational paper (the treatment) was written for this study to introduce the issues and explain the development of the controversy. Written in an informal style appro- priate for college freshmen students, the paper was designed to answer each of the knowledge questions in the pretest questionnaire. Responses to duplicate questions in a posttest questionnaire were used to deter- mine extent of change in knowledge after reading the papers. A second set of questions and statements was developed to assess participants' opinions concerning wilderness area management policies (table 2). The questions were scored using a scale ranging from strong agreement (1) to strong disagreement (5). The questionnaire was given dur- ing normal class periods. After the questionnaire was filled out and re- turned, the informational paper was passed out to Group I and the stu- dents were asked to read them at that time. Group II took the pretest then resumed regular class. Group III received the introductory explana- tion and was handed the paper to read while Groups I and II were being tested. Posttests in Groups I through III were given 21 days after the pretest and/ or treatment. Analysis Techniques One-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) and Pearson Correlation tests were administered to detect sig- nificance of demographic characteris- tics, trends and contrasts in informa- tion, correlation between knowledge and opinion, and homogeneity of re- sponses. Duncan's Multiple Range test was administered to determine significant differences between cell means in one-way analysis. All tests were conducted at the 0.05 level of significance. When analyzing the dif- ference between pretest and posttest responses, a 95% confidence interval table for Binomial Distribution was used (Snedecor 1976). Opinion scales for wilderness area management were developed using methodology similar to that em- ployed by Hendee et al. (1968). For this study, a modified version of Hendee's Wildernism Scale was em- ployed to analyze participants' val- ues concerning wilderness areas. In order to develop the Wilderness Management Scales in this study, statements that were obviously "for" or "against" management of natural resources were selected from the questionnaire by a panel knowledge- able in forest management. Gamma statistics were computed for each statement (table 3). The gamma sta- tistic ranged from -1.0 to +1.0; the higher the gamma, the better the chance that the response to a particu- lar opinion statement would be in- dicative of a student's attitude con- cerning wilderness management. Gamma statistics on the 33 state- ments selected by the panel as clearly expressing opinions concerning wil- derness area management ranged from 0.00224 to 0.99570. The mini- mum gamma was set at 0.70. Using this minimum gamma statistic as the criterion, 17 of the 33 wilderness area management statements were in- cluded in the Wilderness Manage- ment Scale (table 3). Results and Discussion Descriptive Characteristics Among the 202 students who par- ticipated in the study, 91% were be- tween 17 and 22 years old. The sex ratio was nearly even with 46% male and 54% female. Most of the partici- pants were white (93%) with the re- maining 7% either black, Spanish, or American Indian. Over half of the students were freshman (57%), with the remainder evenly divided between sophomores, juniors, and seniors. Most of the par- ticipating students were residents of Texas (99%) and almost half came from cities with populations of 75,000 or more. Twelve percent of the participants or their parents were members of a conservation or an en- vironmental organization. Only 6% had immediate family members em- ployed within the forest industry. When asked if they had ever vis- ited a wilderness area, 76% re- sponded affirmatively, but only 56% had visited one in the past 5 years. When asked to list the wilderness areas they had visited, only 5% of the total responses were, in fact, part of the National Wilderness Preservation M Tab}© 1 Percent correct pretest and posttest responses to knowl< questions* Ouestton Pretest Posttest Where can wilderness areas be located/ How large must wilderness areas be? 10.2% • 567% 367% How many wilderness areas are in Texas? 39.2% 66,8% wowrfmuensnun^^ wilderness areas? 45,6% .'• ; 60.0% How many permits are required to enter and camp In wilderness areas? 27.6% How many wilderness areas in Texas are located In areas of virgin forests? 48,9% 50.0% 173 Table 2.— Average scores on wilderness-related opinion statements.0 Responses Question* mm Since wilcBife will flourish without the help of man, no wildlife management need be practiced in wilderness areas. Small areas should be cleared in wilderness areas to increase wildlife habitat Disturbance in the forest is natural and the forest would not be the way it is if disturbances did not occur. Wildlife management techniques such as nest boxes, small clearings, planting of forage species, prescribed burning, and seeding of food patches should be allowed In wilderness areas, soon as possible on wilderness areas and no prescribed burning (low density controlled first set intentionally to dear underbrush or improve wildlife habitat) should be practiced While wildfires should be controlled, prescribed burns should be allowed in wilderness areas, ' . Wildfires should be restricted to smal areas then avowed to bum themselves out in wilderness areas. Wildfires should be allowed to bum until they reach the edge of wilder- ness areas. No consumptive types of recreation, such as hunting and fishing, should fishing, but not hunting, should be FisNng and bow-hunting should be I :tfte only cc r e recreation - " • " , A :. .SSv. ■■ : ■ ■ v : ' - : ■ ■ Pretext! G1T1 G172 Pretest Wmmm G1T2 Pretest om . ..G1T2 ; detest! G1T1 . GU2 ■Pretest! GUI . git2 Pretest G1T1 . G1T2 Pretest: G1T1 G1T2 Pretest G1T1 G1T2 Pretest G1TV G1T2 Pretest G1T1 , G1T2. Pretest G1T1 G1T2. Prerest G1T1 G1T2 Pretest • GUI : Illlll 2,5 3.3 67 III til 3,3 11,4 67 10,0 6,3 3.3 10.0 228 20.0 67 ,5,1: 00 10.0 10,0 .3,3 67 "v3<3\. 15,2 :167 10.3; 28,2 10,0 mi 13,9 Ml 167 21.5 20.0 367 53.2 53.3 63.3 367 40.0 26 6 20.0 30,0 38.0 53.3 367 14.1 13.3 167 $.1 67 10.0 19.0 167 13.3 29.1 167 267 3.3 20,0 20,3 13.3 ::10.3 51.3 50,0 63 3 13.9 67. 10.0 44.3 467 40,0 21,5 20.0 167 34.2 26.7 33;3: 16.5: 167. 20.0 31.6 16.7 20.0 20,5 20 0 267 14.1 100 16.7 24.1 167 10,0 17.3 ■ill 20.0 25,3. 20,0: 167 19,0 • 13.3. . 77 13:3 167 38.0 50.0 467 24,1 23.3 20.0 10.1 167 10.0 19.0 267 10.0 26 6 33.3 40-0 127 13,3 20,0 34.6 43.3 33,3 32.1 33.3 367 32.9 433 50.0 32.9: 43.3 .367 49,4 46.7.. .43.3 35,4 MM! .:55;2:': ? Wilderness area personnel snOLBa oe responsible for ail clean-up. Campers should be allowed to bathe and wash in streams of wilderness areas. Campers using biodegradable soap should be allowed to bathe and wash in' streams. .•; Bath and wash water should be dumped into a hole and covered with soil v.- • Marked containers should be made available at the campsite for ait unburnable refuse, Pretest G1T1 . G1T2 Pretest : GUI G 1T2 Pretest GUI GU2 Pretest;: ..GUI G1T2 Pretest GUI G1T2 Pretest ...G1T1 gii|§ Pretest 'Pretest?: . Gin .:• G1T2 Gill G1T2 Pretest . G1T.V . G1T2 Pretest1: G1T1 Pretest G1T1 G1T2- Pretest G1T1 G1T2 14,3 16,7 20.0 12,8 1,3 3.3 0,0 26 3,3 6.7 3,8 67 67 103 10.0 6.7 44,9 43.3 40.0 449 46.7 267 100 6.7 6.4 3,3 6,7 10,0 141 167 23 1 13,3 20.0 64.9 60.0 ill! 64.1 567 50,0 6,4 00 67 10.3 44.9 36.7 30 0 41.0 26.7 267 :43;6 36 7 46.7 44,9 36 7 60 0 6,/ 14.1 21.8 33 3 36,7 60.3 567 56,7 mm 3.3 20.0 10,4 100 23.3 20.0 25 6 23.3 233 23.1 13 3 10.0 9.0 10.0 10.0 11,5 67 10.0 20.5 13 3 167 32.5 267 100 57,7 367 40.0 20.5 23,3 20.0 50 0 43.3 7,8 3.3 13.3 5.1 67 00 56,4 53,3 63.3 46,2 30.0 467 167 20.0 30.0 167 26.7 367 1-3 3.3 3.3 1.3 51.3 50-0 41,0 43.3 40.0; 27,3 23.3 33.3 11 5 0.0 10.0 SD 17.9 267 • 13,3; ::; • 2.6 67 ;s0,pv:';; . 5.1:";' 10.0 0.0 26.9 33.3,.:.:-: 167* 20,5 267 13.3 9.0 10.0 10.0 9;o 10.0 67 . . • 0,0 0.0 o.o :; 0.0 . 0.0 .3,3 20,5 20.0 13.3 17.9. : 167 13.3 11,7 16,7 10.0 2,6 67 6.7 2.6 0.0 ■<■; 0.0 (continued) 176 Table 2 — (continued*. Responses Questions SA SD Alt unburnable refuse should be burled in holes at least 1 foot deep. All unburnable refuse should be packed out by the wilderness visitor. Radios, battery-powered TVs, etc, should be allowed in wilderness J|lf| areas, as long as they do not bother neighboring campers. Radios, for weather broadcasts, and walkle-taikfes and other two-way communication devices, but no TVs, should be allowed in wilderness areas. Only rangers or patrols should have the authority to have two-way radio devices in wilderness areas, however, radios should be allowable to campers for weather broadcasts. Rangers should be the only ones with authority to have radios or walkie- talkies; they can inform campers of hazardous weather conditions. In wBderness areas, if an epidemic of insects or disease hits, the Forest Service shoiid do aH in their power to protect the forest. Pretest G'lT] G1T2 Pretest; GUI G1T2 Pretest G1TV lillll Pretest; Gin Pretest 1:1111 Pretest G1T1 G1T2 Pretest G1TT.. G1T2 3.8 10.0 3.3 25.6 30.0 20.0 III 100 6.7 10.3 10.0 10.0 3.8 6.7 3.3. Ill 6.7 3.3 41,0 40.0 30.0 16.7 10.0 6.7 55 1 50.0 53.3 52.6 467 43.3 33 3 33.3 30.0 14.1 133 5.1 32.1 23.3 33,3 16,7 10.0 13.3 14.1 20 0 26.7 34.6 40.0 46 7 2,6 6.7 10.0 .14,1 16,7 33.3 33.3 30,0 mm 51.3 43.3 53>3 6>4 10.0 .13,3 : 48 7 50.0 63.3 1 ,3 3,3 33 aGfoup f pretest scores =- GUI: -Group t posttest scores ^G U2, \^ °Posttest scores m Group ) ' that differed ' significantly ' from pretest scores are marked with 12.8 13.3 10.0 0.0 0 0 3.3 7.7 10.0 67 2.6 0.0 3.3 10.3 16.7 33 00 0,0 0.0 System. Others listed included na- tional parks, state parks, and local recreation areas. General Knowledge Characteristics The average scores on knowledge questions for pretests and posttests for each group are found in table 1. The average score of the 79 students taking the pretest was approximately 42% (8.4 out of 20). Group IV, which was given no pretest and did not read the informative papers, also had an average score of approximately 42%, which agrees with pretest scores. This indicates that nothing happened during the testing period that biased results of the posttest scores for the other three groups. Group I students showed a signifi- cant increase in score on the posttest after taking the pretest and reading the informative papers. Pretesting has been shown to have a significant effect on amount of knowledge re- tained from treatment. The pretest serves as a form of preconditioning, making the information gained in the treatment "more important or perti- nent" to the person (Wagar 1971). No significant change was re- corded in the average posttest knowledge score for Group II 21 days after taking the pretest. After reading the informative papers with- out taking the pretest, Group Ill's scores were not significantly differ- ent from the average Group I and Group II pretest scores. Changes in Knowledge Concerning Wilderness Areas The significant changes occurred on questions involving the number of 177 wilderness areas in Texas and knowl- edge that hunting is allowed in wil- derness areas (table 1). There were significantly fewer correct responses after reading the informative paper concerning how large wilderness ar- eas may be. Before reading the pa- pers, 57% correctly responded mat wilderness areas may be of any size. The response saying wilderness areas must be at least 5,000 acres increased by 20%. The Wilderness Controversy paper pointed out "...the area had to be 5,000 acres or of a size practicable to be managed as wilderness/' and later expressed that the so-called Eastern Wilderness Act "...allowed the creation of numerous small (less than 5,000 acres) wilderness areas..." Apparently the 5,000-acre figure stuck in the students' minds, causing incorrect responses. There was a significant increase in correct responses concerning the number of wilderness areas in Texas. The Wilderness Controversy paper pointed out there are five wilderness areas in deep east Texas that are in- volved in a debate over insect con- trol, and then goes on to say that Guadalupe Mountain Wilderness in far west Texas is not involved in the insect management controversies. It is possible that this section of the pa- per was more pertinent to students because the much publicized contro- versy over control of the southern pine beetle in wilderness areas of east Texas was still in their minds. The correct responses to the question of how many wilderness areas are in Texas rose from 40% to 67% in the posttest. There was a significant (20%) in- crease, from 40% to 60%, in correct responses on the true/ false statement that hunting is allowed in wilderness areas. The paper states that while "wilderness areas are protected from most developments, hunting...(is) still allowed." There was no significant knowl- edge change on the questions con- cerning whether permits are required to enter and camp in wilderness ar- eas in Texas, whether or not Texas' wilderness areas are located in areas of federal land, and if they are virgin forests. Slightly fewer students (from 33% to 27%) knew that permits are not required in Texas wilderness ar- eas. This is probably because the wil- derness reading suggested that use of permits might be a partial solution to reduce campfire outbreaks. M Table 3.— Gamma statistics for opinion statements used In construction of Wilderness Management Scale, Statement v^rvil I I ! I I V* statistic Wilderness users shoutd be able to camp or build fires : w/herever they want. .966 Campers in wilderness areas should be allowed to cut their own firewood at the campsite. .992 Permits should be required of users who build a fire or camp overnight. .992 Wilderness area personnel should pick up titter whenever . they see it and should have the authority to write "citations for littering. .982 :;fricihed patrols should have authority to write citations foVcertain violations in wilderness areas (littering, • cutting live trees, leaving fires, etc.), . '• ,96T: in wilderness areas, when campers leave their camp area, . there should be no evidence that campers were there, • • .' Ml.:;. To lessen user impact, only a certain amount of permits should be used In wilderness areas, ~r':0}} Wilderness users should be forced to use marked trails in order to avoid damaging the environment ,907 Marked containers should be made available at the • campsites for ail unburnable refuse. ,855 fn wilderness areas, if an epidemic of insects or disease hits, the Forest Service should do aii in its power to protect the forest. ,808 Wilderness users should be allowed to gather only dead and down material. .798 Ail ^unburnable refuse should be packed out by the wilderness visitor. . .773 „ ■• .. .. V ■ ' ■■■ .. - ,- .:■ • " ■ wildlife management need be practiced in wilderness areas. : • *7<^ No restrictions should have the authority to close : siustc separable damage to the area. .763 campsites for periods of time in order to avoid 'sustaining Irreparable damage to- the area> •' : ■ J5t Firewood should be cut by rangers in wilderness areas ther 3d far use by campers, ... .743 ::trdes>- .702 178 In the pretest, only 7% knew that wilderness areas can be located only on federal lands. The Wilderness Controversy paper states that "...the Wilderness Act was passed by Con- gress with the express purpose of es- tablishing a National Wilderness Preservation System on federal lands..." There was a nonsignificant decrease in correct answers with 83% continuing to believe that wilderness areas could be on both federal and state lands. Almost half (43%) of the students in Group I believe that wilderness areas in east Texas were located in areas of virgin forests, even though the reading clearly says that in east Texas, the wilderness areas are on "...land that had been logged and farmed for years before being re- stored to forest..." Posttest responses on this true/ false question were 50/ 50, suggesting a high level of guess- ing. Discussion and Opinion of Responses Opinion Responses Toward Wilderness Management Wilderness opinion statements covered a wide variety of subjects: protection of the wilderness; respon- sibility of the user toward the re- source and other users; and the au- thority of administrators (table 2). In general, the students thought that the wilderness resource should be pro- tected from natural catastrophe. While most agreed that disturbance in the forest is natural (43% agreeing, 34% neutral), they felt that epidemics of insects and disease should be con- trolled immediately (92%). This atti- tude of protection was also reflected in the statements regarding control of fire. The students felt that fire was bad for the forest and that neither wild- fire nor prescribed burning should be allowed in wilderness areas. This at- titude is probably a hold-over from "Smokey the Bear" and other wild- fire campaigns. There were no sig- nificant changes in opinions after reading the papers, even though pre- scribed fire objectives were men- tioned. Protection of the wilderness re- source from damage due to overuse was also agreed upon. Since solitude is an integral part of the wilderness resource (Hendee et al. 1968, Roggenbuck and Watson 1985), state- ments concerning radios and televi- sions were added to the opinion sur- vey. Results of the pretest showed that most agreed that radios and tele- visions should be allowed in wilder- ness areas, as long as other campers are not disturbed. Whether or not to disallow television in wilderness ar- eas reflected mixed emotion, with 44% agreeing and 36% disagreeing. Most, however, thought that rangers should not be the only persons al- lowed to use two-way radio devices. Most participants disagreed with indiscriminate use of streams for washing and bathing. When asked opinions about bathing and washing with biodegradable soap only, opin- ions were mixed. However, most were neutral or agreed that bath and wash water should be dumped in a hole and covered with soil. The opinion that wilderness areas should be protected from litter and that concerning care of unburnable refuse was strong. Students felt wil- derness area personnel should pick up litter when they see it, but that it was not an administrative responsi- bility. Almost all the pretest students agreed that wilderness area person- nel should have the authority to write citations for littering; after reading the papers there was a sig- nificant change in this opinion, mov- ing the average more toward strongly agree. It is interesting that, contrary to provisions in the Wilderness Act, 74% of the pretested students felt that marked containers should be made available at campsites for dis- posal of unburnable refuse. In the event that there was no container available, most felt both litter and unburnable refuse should be packed out by the user, with 90% agreeing with packing out litter, and 80% agreeing with packing out un- burnable refuse. It was the overall opinion (89%) that no-trace camping should be practiced. It was definitely agreed that well- trained administrators should have the authority to divert use from heavily impacted camping areas and be allowed to close sites for periods of time to avoid sustaining irrepa- rable damage to the site. It may also be noted that while most of Group I definitely agreed (80%) with closing impacted sites in the pretest, after reading informative papers, the num- ber changed significantly, rising to 90%, with the remaining 10% neutral. Seventy-nine percent felt authority of administrators should include re- quiring permits to build fires or camp overnight. In areas where per- mits were required to camp or build fires, it was agreed that the number could be limited to lessen impact. Af- ter reading the informative papers, students' opinions changed signifi- cantly from disagreement toward neutral for the statement that users should be allowed to build campfires anywhere they want. Most students felt that campers should not be allowed to alter the campsite by cutting back brush or building fire circles. Instead of cut- ting firewood at the campsite, it should be packed to the site, or only dead and down material gathered at the site. Most thought it might be a good idea for rangers to cut firewood for use by campers. Opinion leaned toward disagree- ment with the statement that small areas should be cleared for wildlife. However, in another statement that wildlife management "...such as nest boxes, small clearings, planting of forage species, prescribed burning, and seeding of food patches..." should be allowed, 65% agreed and only 14% disagreed. 179 Conflicting opinions were also ex- pressed concerning consumptive forms of recreation in wilderness ar- eas: 30% agreed with banning hunt- ing and fishing, 46% disagreed. Thirty-five percent agreed and 47% disagreed with fishing but not hunt- ing. The only statements that got large numbers of agreeing students were those allowing fishing and bow-hunting only (63% agreed) and fishing and hunting at all times for food consumed on premises only, with 56% agreeing. A majority (72%) of the students felt that wilderness areas should have marked trails for use by visi- tors. When asked whether users should be forced to use trails to avoid damaging the environment, many (65%) agreed. Responses to statements concern- ing motorized vehicles in wilderness areas showed that students definitely agreed that there should be some re- strictions, but sentiment was mixed regarding banning all motorized ve- hicles (36% agreeing, 45% disagree- ing). Most of the students felt that motorized vehicles should be al- lowed outside marked areas during emergencies only. It is interesting to note that most thought unmotorized vehicles, such as bicycles, should be allowed in wilderness areas and that in the posttest, this opinion shifted significantly toward strong agree- ment. Discussion of Scale Responses As expected, there was a signifi- cant correlation between the scores on the Hendee's Wildernism Scale and the management scale (tables 4a and 4b). As Wildernism Scale scores moved toward //Wildernist,'/ Wilder- ness Management Scale scores moved toward "anti-management." The more wildernist-purist partici- pants' attitudes, the more they ex- pressed opinions that limited man- agement options and restricted au- thority of agency personnel. Wilderness Management Scale Responses The average Wilderness Manage- ment Scale scores for pretested groups was 1.797 + .435. These scores fall between strong management to moderate management categories, indicating that students agree with management of wilderness areas. The scores on the Wilderness Man- agement Scale reflect the opinion that wilderness areas should be protected from abuses and impacts by man. Whether or not an actual wilderness area had been visited had no signifi- cant effect on the scale score. Wildernism Scale Responses The scores on Hendee's Wilder- nism Scale averaged 5.1 + 1.5 for pre- tested groups and 5.5 ±1.2 for stu- dents taking the posttest. These scores are slightly more urbanist than scores of the Sociology class tested by Hendee et al. Students tested here fell into the categories Hendee listed as an "Urbanist" or "Neutralist" atti- tude toward wilderness. This is not surprising since a majority of the stu- dents tested came from cities with populations of 75,000 or more. Average scores for Hendee's Wildernism Scale were compared by students' majors. The three majors lowest on the Wildernism Scale were Business, Education, and Fine Arts. These three fall into the category Hendee calls "Urbanist." The two highest majors were Science and Math and Applied Arts, falling into Hendee's "Neutralist" category. For- estry students had the largest range: 4.289 ("Urbanise") to 6.781 ("Weak Wildernist"). When the adapted Wildernism Scale scores were tested against de- scriptive variables, the only signifi- cant descriptive characteristics were belonging to an environmental or conservation organization and seeing a clearcut. Both variables caused the scale to rise toward "Wildernist." Whether or not a student had visited a wilderness area had no significant effect. Conclusions and Recommendations The scores on the pretest of this study reveal that underclass students at Stephen F. Austin State University have low knowledge levels concern- ing wilderness area management. Students' scores concerning wilder- ness area characteristics were also r Table categories Scale . Wilderness : Management Scale sfong mm 6.3% mgmt, (1.5-2.0) N*t2 Moderate mgmt. (2.0-2.5) 62.0% mgmt. (2.5-3.0) Neutralist (3.0-4.5) mgmt (4 5+) Table 4b,— Categories of responses of Hendee's WildemUm Scale, Urbanist 0.0-5.4) Neui (5.5 Weak Moderate Strong wildernist wildernist wildernist (6.5-74) (7.5-84) (8.5-9.0) Pretested : sfuderts Sociology class tested by Hendee N-42 53.2% lliill N=28 35.4% N-23 : 46%;; mm 8.9% 38% N=2 2>S% N=2 N=0 180 low; however, students were very opinionated in their feelings about management policies in wilderness areas. The consensus was that wil- derness areas should be managed and protected from impact by man, fire, insects, and disease. The re- sponses also revealed that students do not understand that the forest is a dynamic entity. The opinions of stu- dents seem to be based on very lim- ited knowledge and misinformation. The lack of knowledge of the stu- dents leads to the following recom- mendations: 1. A greater effort must be made to inform the public of changes made in response to criticism. 2. Information and education programs should be insti- gated explaining the reason- ing behind management poli- cies. 3. Immediate use of informa- tional programs to interpret the forest as an ever-chang- ing ecosystem. 4. Programs which confront particular issues in natural resource management should be constructed. Acknowledgments Research was partially funded by the Center for Applied Studies in Forestry, Stephen F. Austin State University. Literature Cited Beard, E. R. 1974. The state of com- munication with an environmen- talist group regarding forest land- use management. Nacogdoches, TX: Stephen F. Austin State Uni- versity. 64 p. Unpublished M.S. thesis. Borden, R. J.; Schettino, A. P. 1979. Determinants of environmentally responsible behavior. Journal of Environmental Education. 10(4): 35-39. Hendee, J. C; Catton, W. R., Jr.; Mar- low, L. D.; Brockman, C. F. 1968. Wilderness users in the Pacific Northwest — their characteristics, values, and management prefer- ences. Res. Pap. PNW-61. Port- land, OR: U.S. Department of Ag- riculture, Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Forest and Range Ex- periment Station. 92 p. Hendee, J. C. 1985. Wilderness: im- portant legal, social, philosophical and management perspectives. In: Proceedings, Wilderness and natu- ral areas symposium; 1985 May. Nacogdoches, TX: Stephen F. Austin State University, School of Forestry. Isaac, S.; Michael, W. B. 1981. Hand- book in research and evaluation. San Diego, CA: Edits. 234 p. Roggenbuck, J. W.; Watson, A. E. 1985. Visitor needs and user im- pacts. In: Proceedings, Wilderness and natural areas symposium. Na- cogdoches, TX: Stephen F. Austin State University, School of For- estry. Snedecor, G. W. 1976. Statistical methods. Ames, IA: Iowa State University Press. 6 p. Wagar, J. A. 1971. Communicating with recreationists. In: Recreation symposium proceedings. Syracuse, NY: State University of New York: 161-165. Watson, T. 1985. Recreation in the eastern wilderness: do we know what the visitors expect? In: Pro- ceedings, Wilderness and natural areas symposium. Nacogdoches, TX: Stephen F. Austin State Uni- versity, School of Forestry. 181 Pathways to Understanding^ TomvWhittaker1 Abstract.— The majority of disabled people in North America are limited in their opportunities to achieve a meaningful place in the economic and social fabric of society. This is the result of attitudes held by both able-bodied and disabled segments of the community. These attitudes stem from an identity crisis, lack of education, and/or misguided attempts to help. The role of recreation in the rehabilitation process is examined with special reference to "situational groupings" that largely use the outdoors as a medium to build self-esteem within the disabled and create feelings of admiration and acceptance within a community. At 21, Kyle Packer was a mouse. Stillborn by strangulation of the um- bilical cord, Kyle was revived by the doctors; his life was saved, but at a cost. Although the rational part of his brain was spared, the part that gov- erns gross motor function was a mess. The resulting spasticity twisted his limbs and affected his speech and ability to eat. When I met Kyle, he was pushing his 54-pound wheel chair backwards with his inturned feet; with his head turned inward, he was as close to the wall as he could get. Although I often saw him on the ground floor of the Student Union Building, he was never to be seen on the main level — the social center of the campus. This was Kyle's second year at Idaho State University. A social re- cluse, he lived a lackluster existence on the verge of flunking out of school. Afraid to eat in public or talk on the phone, he was racked with anxiety and stress. What was it, then, that changed him from a social recluse to the uni- versity's Homecoming king? What motivated him to pull his sagging 0.98 grade point average at the end of his first year to a blazing 4.00 in his final semester; from a non-starter to being voted the Idaho Outstand- ing Student of the year by the Gover- nor's Committee on Hiring the Handicapped? What changed him (^Cooperative Wilderness Handicapped Outdoor Group. Pocatello, IDT) from a listless individual with no clear vision or expectation of life to a $14,000 a year career man advocating independent living skills for a popu- lation he has special empathy for, the physically challenged? To state the case simply, Kyle dis- covered how to have fun. It did not happen overnight. It was a process of discovery and experimentation, little by little, but with each experience his confidence grew, his self-image im- proved, his physical and psychologi- cal functioning strengthened. Kyle, for the first time, established an iden- tity and a sense of belonging based on a real understanding of his abili- ties. He became enthusiastic about his options in life and chances for suc- cess. Kyle achieved this by joining a self-help outdoor recreation group for the disabled. His involvement has taken him alpine skiing to the pre- miere resorts in the Western United States, rafting the Blue Ribbon white water rivers of North America, in- cluding a 3-week, 280-mile journey through the Grand Canyon of the Colorado River. He has been on 3- day horseback riding trips in Yellow- stone National Park and has rock climbed and scuba dived. Not bad for a mouse! This story is just one among many told in Pocatello, Idaho, home of the Cooperative Wilderness Handi- capped Outdoor Group. This man has not only beaten the odds, he en- joys a lifestyle that is enviable. Until stories of the disabled are personalized, we tend to ignore their problems and fail to recognize their triumphs. Thus, we have been unable to embrace the disabled in society. The Economics of Disability The economics of disability are staggering. President Reagan stated in his proclamation as of February 6, 1981, that "35 million disabled Americans represent one of our most under-utilized national resources." According to the 1970 census, the last time information about the handi- capped was gathered on a national basis, results showed only 2 million of this population earn more than subsistence wages ($7,000+). This means that we support on welfare, in hospitals, homes, etc., more disabled people than the entire population of Canada. Helga Roth stated in her article "The Federal Dollar in the Disability Field": the megabucks — a reported $70 billion in 1980 — which are some- times cited as expenditures in the disability field, are not found in the service programs but in the income maintenance/health insurance out- lays. She goes on to say, "Only a study of individual state budgets could provide us with insights of how much the nation spends in the disability field" (Roth 1984). The point I am lumbering toward is that an inconceivable amount of 182 money ($70 billion) is dished out an- nually to the disabled in the various forms of social security. A further $2.85 billion is spent on vocational training and rehabilitation in various forms. Yet only 2 million disabled Americans earn subsistence wages. These figures suggest that present attempts to integrate the disabled into the fabric of American society are a miserable (for the disabled), costly (for the nation) failure for which we must, as concerned indi- viduals, not only bear a portion of the expense, but also the responsibil- ity. American taxpayers no longer can afford to underwrite the special needs of such a large population group. However, we do need to sup- port recreation programs that effec- tively complete the rehabilitation process of the disabled so they are no longer stereotyped as invalids. In or- der for them to successfully complete their rehabilitation, the disabled have to establish an identity gained in a supportive, caring environment. Once this has been achieved, they are far more likely to become contribut- ing members of society by once more being excited about life's possibilities and ready to risk themselves in a work environment. The solution to a problem of this magnitude is complex and not totally reversible. For many of the disabled, we will have to provide an extensive amount of care. However, of this population, 7 million could be work- ing and are not (U.S. Government Printing Office 1981). The only way we can reduce this bill is to effec- tively place more disabled citizens in the work force. With the emergence of so many successful lobbying organizations over the last decade, we, as profes- sionals in sport and recreation, as educators, and as disabled individu- als, have done little to produce an effective lobbying force that creates an identity and public awareness for the disabled. In a decade, Green Peace opened the world's eyes to the plight of whales and harp seals by appealing to our common sense. Disabled people cannot become part of an ambivalent, uncaring soci- ety; the wraps must be taken off dis- ability. Confidentiality is a double- edged sword which can be used to protect the individual. It can also be used by successive administrations as a smoke screen to obscure facts and abdicate responsibility. Disability is not something to cover up or be ashamed of; it is something that needs to be con- fronted. Disabled people have to be encouraged to own their disability in order to surmount it. They do not need to like their disability, but they do have to like themselves. In order to do this they have to accept the re- ality of who they are, based on their gifts and abilities. Vocational Rehabilitation/ Health and Welfare, in Pocatello, Idaho, found that 59% of their clients placed by an extension service of the shel- tered workshop terminated employ- ment within 60 days (Special Work- ers Industries for Training 1986). These figures could have been sig- nificantly improved if the clients' rec- reational needs had been met as part of their training. Sport and recreation provide the motivation for handi- capped individuals to become physi- cally fit. This, in turn, makes them more resistant to illness, more ener- getic, and less likely to dysfunction once in a work setting. At its most potent, sport and rec- reation can, and has, done much to change attitudes. These attitudinal changes take place at all levels within society. On an individual basis, it af- fects how the disabled perceive themselves and how they are per- ceived by others. These positive atti- tudinal changes then manifest them- selves in the broader context of the institution, work place, community, and nation at large. Independent government agen- cies, educators, and private organiza- tions, for many years, have recog- nized the importance of recreation for the disabled. In 1981, the U.S. Department of the Interior Heritage Conservation and Recreation Service stated, "the importance of recreation to the handicapped person cannot be overstated. Because many handi- capped persons are not able to work at regular jobs or are discriminated against in trying to get them, many are deprived of the chance to meet mental, physical and emotional chal- lenges which the general population regularly experiences" (U.S. Depart- ment of Interior 1981). However, when talking to Hal O'Leary, director of the world's larg- est ski program, he said "They [the Federal government] view what we do here as just frills." This is an atti- tude toward recreation and sporting endeavors that I have constantly heard voiced across the county by sport and recreation professionals. On February 3rd, 1986, The American Academy of Orthopedic Surgeons (AAOS) issued a position statement stating: We feel that there is a desper- ate need for public education on the subject (recreation for the disabled). ..the general public is either limited in its knowledge of these activities, or views such programs as frivolous or potentially harm- ful. This attitude is not only prevalent among the general public, but also within the government bodies pro- viding support services for the dis- abled. The potential for the disabled to participate in recreational programs was great, according to a Canadian national study conducted in 1976. The study, which reported on the status of recreational services for the handicapped, demonstrated the low priority most municipalities and rec- reation professionals give to pro- gramming for special populations (Hutchinson and Lord 1983). To put this in perspective, in the United States, "There are 22 million people 183 who are not served or are under- served in recreation... which under- mines health, rehabilitation, self-care, and fulfillment" (Special Recreation Movement 1986). Although the mission statement of the Federal Department of Voca- tional Rehabilitation includes the provision of recreation opportunities as part of the socialization of a dis- abled person, a very small fraction of the annual $1.5 billion budget is spent on this provision. This reluc- tance of the federal government to spend money on recreation stems from two major areas of confusion. One is an apparent lack of under- standing of what constitutes the hu- man needs of the disabled. The sec- ond concerns confusing recreation with entertainment. Let me deal with the second area first, as it is easier to clear up. Enter- tainment is a time-filler which is pas- sive, largely unfulfilling, and, at best, amusing and mildly educational. ..a kind of mind candy. Recreation, on the other hand, "has come to be viewed as an emotional state or con- dition that flows from feelings of well-being characterized by feelings of mastery, achievement, exhilara- tion, acceptance (of self and others), success, personal worth, and satisfac- tion" (U.S. Department of Interior 1981). Just as a bicycle and the Columbia space shuttle can be placed on a transportation continuum, entertain- ment and recreation may be legiti- mately placed on a continuum of lei- sure time pursuits. Entertainment, at one end, provides little lasting value to the human organization. At the other end is recreation — quiet or dy- namic activities that produce a sig- nificant emotional response within the individual, leading to "enhanced physical and/ or mental fitness, relief from daily stress, greater family soli- darity (a family that plays together stays together) increased worker, and economic productivity" (U.S. Government Printing Office 1981). In short, a tool of great therapeutic and educational value that has lasting ef- fects on personal development. The first area of confusion I men- tioned concerns the apparent lack of understanding the government has for the human needs of this popula- tion and why they should provide money for "fun and games." John Nesbitt, editor of the Special Recrea- tion Digest, 1986, and advocate for the disabled, stated in a letter to me that the present administration's atti- tude to recreation for the disabled "ranged from ambivalent to op- posed." While sport and recreation professionals for the disabled are talking space shuttle, the people con- trolling the purse strings continually hear bicycle. The government defines a "handi- capped person" as "an individual who has a physical or mental impair- ment that limits one or more major life activities.. .also covered are men- tal or psychological disorders such as mental retardation, organic brain syndrome, emotional or mental ill- ness, and specific learning disabili- ties" (U.S. Government Printing Of- fice 1981). Unlike other minorities, the dis- abled have no collective identity. Their grouping is determined by their eligibility for a certain type of social security. These groups, within the whole, cannot relate to one an- other, and more often than not, dis- like being categorized together. Thus many of the physically challenged resent being grouped with people who possess profound intellectual and emotional disabilities. This situation is further com- pounded by being inappropriately portrayed to society by well-mean- ing, but off-target attempts to assist. Many disabled feel that, although well intentioned, telethons with crying celebrities does not afford them the dignity and respect they need to become accepted by society. Others feel that by stamping out birth defects, an albatross is hung around the neck of the congenitally disabled. I know I will be accused of hysteria if I start making compari- sons, but the cynic in me cannot re- sist the thought that this country went to war against a man who wanted to produce a superior race in which everyone should have blue eyes and blond hair and march in step! I am not drawing comparisons be- tween the fund-raising tactics of the March of Dimes, or successive ad- ministration's failure to effectively address the disability issue and acts of genocide. What I am saying, how- ever, is that no matter how well in- tentioned one is or how much good one does with the money one raises, one does have a responsibility for creating an inappropriate image, or in the case of government, a lack of identity, that may indirectly have devastatingly similar effects. The problems facing the disabled are largely attitudinal and belong to both segments of society, the dis- abled and the able-bodied alike. Where attitudes of a nation are con- cerned, government needs to take the lead. The government, for the most part, is comprised of well intentioned but able-bodied individuals who need guidance and direction in order to make wise decisions. Sport and recreation, after money and sex, is one of the most potent driving forces in our society. It has been shown, when used correctly, as in Kyle's case and thousands like him, that it can create a near miracu- lous change in an individual. I came into this profession by acci- dent or, more directly, through the windshield of a car, and thus had no preconceived ideas. My initial inten- tions were to fill a fun gap that obvi- ously existed in my community for the disabled. Having worked in out- door recreation for many years, I was committed to its value and could, if pressed, wax lyrical about its bene- fits. Yet, what I was witnessing was out of all context to my previous ex- perience. The activities I was involved with had not changed, but the population 184 had. It was as if I had been dishing out food to "fat rabbits" in an expen- sive restaurant and then went to work in an Ethiopian refuge camp. Food to satiated people is of little value; food to the starving creates incredible changes. Like food, recrea- tion in itself, has no mystical conno- tations. We have these things in abundance to take or leave as we please. It is, therefore, easy for people who have identities inter- twined with their careers, hobbies, income, social status, recreational interests, and family and friends to overlook the benefits recreation can bring to a person deprived of the things they take for granted. Hans Selye M.D., considered by many the father of understanding stress in the human organism, stated, "the aim of human existence is to cre- ate and maintain an identity, express innate abilities and desires, remain healthy, have a purpose, be proud of oneself, and earn the respect of oth- ers" (Selye no date). He coined the term "Alteristic Egotism," which he considered an innate part of our ma- keup as a social animal and the source of all human motivation. Stated simply, this is a person's self- ish desire to maintain him/herself by collecting wealth and power in the form of love and recognition of his/ her fellow beings through construc- tive work. By doing this, Selye believed, we also fulfill what we consider to be our purpose. He states emphatically that man must work. It is a biological necessity. If denied this vital need, the organism will atrophy and per- ish. "To function normally man needs his work as he needs air, food, sleep, social contacts, and sex." What I had done, in my naivety, was produced a situation, through the C.W. HOG Program, in which the disabled individual could create a collective and personal identity. The collective identity was being part of a self-help group that did ordinary things in the wild outdoors, but for the disabled were considered ex- traordinary. Within the safety of the group they learned to risk, experi- ment, be accountable, accept respon- sibility, cooperate, seek solutions, and undertake activities that once had seemed inappropriate or out of reach. In short, they learned to be creative individuals pursuing their vision with love and courage. By portraying themselves as dynamic individuals, they could then earn the admiration of a community and sub- limate their need to work through its close, relative, high-quality, self-di- rected recreation. Educators have largely bought into "mainstreaming" and "integra- tion," which are both commendable as ideals or goals, but they need to be recognized as such. What is needed is a diverse number of vehicles that help achieve this process. My con- cern is that in our eagerness to em- brace normalization, there is a dan- ger of devaluing self-help groups that do much to facilitate this process by preparing the disabled and the community in which they wish to enter. Alvin Toffler in his book "Future Shock" mentions conversations with Herbert Gerjuoy, a psychologist in the Human Resources Research Or- ganization. He states that "situational groupings" will become the key to social services of the future by pro- viding a supportive group of people passing through similar life transi- tions at the same time. He acknowl- edges that membership can be tem- porary, just long enough to help the person with their transitional diffi- culties. The speed that people pass through this transition will depend upon the situation, the depth of their involvement, and their personal needs (Toffler 1970). Thus, by identifying with the spe- cific supportive group, people under- going the loss of a parent, in the tran- sition of divorce, or experiencing the crisis of being a battered woman, will find appropriate help and support while they work through their prob- lems. This concept not only recog- nizes the professionally qualified ex- perts but anyone who has success- fully resolved a personal transitional crisis. In the case of the disabled, the situational grouping can be either narrow in focus or embrace all dis- abilities. It recognizes the value of volunteer help, enjoyment, and pur- suing personal interests in an open- ended and supportive atmosphere. Behavior is dictated by the peer group, not the administrator of the institution. Although medical science has made enormous progress in the field of physical rehabilitation, most health-care institutions are unable to address the emotional rehabilitation of the disabled because it is time-con- suming, complex, costly, and has to take place in the real world, outside of the confines of the institution. The rehabilitation process all too often places a low self-expectation upon the disabled. They are encour- aged to be independent but are given no strategies to create a new identity or break the dependencies gained as a result of their circumstances. Not only do situational groupings take place in the real world, they are also very cost effective, requiring only a small, dedicated staff to ad- minister these programs. Last year, on a $85,000 budget, the C.W. HOG program provided recreation for more than 500 different disabled in- dividuals assisted by 1,300 able-bod- ied volunteers. Our program gener- ated 8,011 man hours of recreational activities for a population that had virtually no provision 5 years ago. Recreation tends to have a marked effect on human nature; as a result, people tend to shed their unreceptive attitudes that prevail when they are at work. Their convergent, task-ori- ented behavior is sublimated for a more human, caring nature. This is a time when people's internal process- ing systems are most receptive to new ideas and change. If the able-bodied in a community can see the disabled lap-swimming, 185 playing water polo, weight-lifting, scuba-diving, sailing, skiing, rock- climbing, horseback riding, referee- ing softball tournaments, fishing, hunting, making jewelry, or playing an instrument in an orchestra, their natural curiosity is often accompa- nied by feelings of admiration. This, in turn, creates attitudes of accep- tance based on the reality, as op- posed to cutesy poster kids and sym- pathy provoking manipulation. Conclusion There are several ways to solve the "Catch 22" in which this faceless group of individuals find themselves. Most important, perhaps, is for soci- ety to accept the responsibility of dis- ability as a fact of life and accept the disabled as part of its fabric. As educators, advocates, and sup- port professionals, we are in the driving seat. It is up to us to help people realize integration is a goal, not a vehicle. It is our job to seek creative and realistic solutions for this process to be accomplished. The old adage "if you are not part of the solution, you are part of the prob- lem" has never been more true. Sport and recreation advocates for the disabled must form a powerful lobbying group to persuade the fed- eral government to spend our money wisely. Until the disabled can effec- tively complete their personal reha- bilitation, their dysfunction within the economic and social fabric of so- ciety will continue to be an expensive embarrassment to this nation. In order to achieve integration, the government must be persuaded to embark on a massive program of education that prepares society and creates attitudes of acceptance. We have school systems, medical, public and private organizations, employee incentives, and a vast network of support professionals — the machin- ery is in place — let us use it! Legisla- tion is all well and good, but grudg- ing compliance to federal mandate does little to help our cause, unless it is implemented with empathy. The government must understand the human needs of this population and realize that sport and recreation pro- vide the motivation and confidence necessary for the disabled to break client-centered mentalities and take charge of their lives. The most effective method of re- ducing the massive bill paid out in disability pensions is to place more people permanently in the work force. The federal government has to recognize the vital importance rec- reation plays in strengthening a per- son by creating the groundwork within themselves and within their community. Until motivational and attitudinal changes take place in our society, access into this country's economic and social fabric will be a hit-or-miss affair for the disabled. All too often, for many traumati- cally disabled, the rehabilitation unit is a steam catapult and society the brick wall. Although we are very ef- fective at hitting the wall, we have not yet achieved our aim of integra- tion, or so current employment fig- ures would suggest. The provision of a supportive rec- reation group not only provides the identity that circumstance has taken away, but also provides a cushion between the institution and the real world. It softens the landing and pro- vides a sense of belonging. Within such groups, individuals can practice skills and competencies, build self- esteem, become physically and emo- tionally robust, and, by so doing, cre- ate feelings of admiration and re- spect within the community they wish to access. Finally, let us not confuse recrea- tion and entertainment. This is not fun and games, and certainly not frills. It is the cornerstone of a two- way process that, when used correct- ly, can enrich a nation by changing attitudes and opening perceptual doors. Somebody needs to ask Presi- dent Reagan what he would do if he couldn't ride horses and chop wood! Further Reading The Economics of Disability Catalog of Federal Domestic Assis- tance for 1983. Available from the Office of Management and Bud- get. U.S. Government Printing Of- fice. Washington, DC 20402. Cost $32 per year. Disability and Work: The Economics of American Policy. Richard Burk- hauser and Robert H. Haveman. The Johns Hopkins University Press. Baltimore, MD 21218. Outdoor Programming The Outdoor Programming hand- book. Ron Watters. Idaho State University Press. ISU Student Un- ion Outdoor Program Publication. Pocatello, ID. 1986. COOPERATIVE WILDERNESS HANDICAPPED OUTDOOR GROUP (C.W. HOG): A Journey Into the Unknown. Tom Whit- taker. Sports 'n Spokes. January/ February 1984. Volume 9, Number 5. Page 8-11. Literature Cited Hutchinson, Margaret L.; Lord, John. 1983. Recreation Integration. Rec- reation Canada. Canada: Cana- dian Parks and Recreation Asso- ciation. Rehabilitation Programs. Special workers industries for training annual report. July /June 1986: 5. Roth, Helga. The federal dollar in the disability field. Programs for the handicapped. Washington, DC: Clearinghouse on the Handi- capped. Vol. 3 (May /June 1984): 3. Selye, Hans. Stress without distress. J. B. Lippincott Co. The Special Recreation Movement. 1986. Special Recreation Digest. Volume III. 186 Toffler, Alvin. 1970. Situational grouping. Future Shock. New York: Random House, Inc.: 383- 385. U.S. Government Printing Office. 1981. Handbook of selective place- ment of persons with physical and mental handicaps in federal civil service employment. 1981. Wash- ington, DC: 1. U.S. Department of Interior, Heritage Conservation and Recreation Serv- ice. 1981. The third national out- door recreation plan. Keepers of the Sacred Grove: Motivating and Empowering Resource Managers to Protect Wilderness Values/ Michael H. Brown and Michael D. Freed1 Abstract.— Educational and psychological methods have been used in career development workshops and motivational training for wilderness managers. Training sessions have been designed to clarify and strengthen wilderness values and to address the stresses associated with preservation responsibilities. There is significant interest among resource managers in techniques for self-motivation and a need to integrate psychological literature with the needs and experience of resource managers. In his 12-volume work, 'The Golden Bough," Sir James George Frazer explained the strange rule of the priesthood which passed on the title of "King of the Wood" at the lake and the grove of Nemi in the Alban hills outside of Rome. This grove has been used since ancient times for worship of Diana the Hunter, and was immortalized by Virgil in the legend of the Golden Bough (Frazer 1980): The lake of Nemi is still as of old embowered in woods where in spring the wild flow- ers bloom as no doubt they did two thousand years ago... Here in the very heart of the wooded hills, the Sylvan goddess Diana had an old and famous sanctuary, the resort of pilgrims from all parts of Latium. It was known as the Sacred Grove of Diana Nemorensis, that is Diana of the Wood. The retirement of the spot and beauty of the landscape natu- rally tempted some of the luxurious Roman nobles to fix their summer residences by the lake. Here Lucius Caesar had a house to which on a day in early summer only two / 'Human Resources Consultant. Psy- ckosynthesis Tianspersonal Psychology. Springfield. VA\ Recreation and Park Ad- ministration, Arkansas Tech University, Russelville. AR. months after the murder of his illustrious namesake, he in- vited Gicero to meet the assas- sin Brutus.. .Here Julius Caesar built himself a costly villa. ..Here, Caligula had two magnificent barges or rather floating palaces launched for him on the lake. So to the last, in spite of a few villas peeping out here and there from among the trees, Nemi seems to have remained in some sense an image of what Italy had been in the far- off days when the land was still sparsely peopled. In the sacred grove there grew a certain tree around which at any time of the day, and probably far into the night, a grim figure might be seen to prowl. In his hand he carried a drawn sword and he kept peering warily about him as if at every instant he expected to be set upon by any enemy. He was a priest and a murderer; and the man for whom he looked was sooner or later to murder him and hold the priesthood in his stead. Such was the rule of the sanctuary. The post which he held by this precarious tenure carried with it the title of King of the Wood (Rex Nemorensis), but surely no crowned head ever lay un- easier or was visited by more evil dreams than his. For year in, year out, in summer and winter, in fair weather and in foul, he had to keep his lonely watch. The least relaxation of his vigilance, the smallest abatement of his strength of limb or skill of fence put him in jeopardy, grey hairs might seal his death warrant. Sir Frazer used this myth to trace the ancient sources of magic and reli- gion in early cultures. In this paper, we use the myth of Nemi as a meta- phor for the needs of the "Keepers of the Sacred Grove." For indeed, today pilgrims still journey to the sacred groves. The parks and wilderness of our nation are attended by millions seeking relief from their urban lives (President's Commission on Ameri- cans' Outdoors 1987, Resources for the Future 1983). The keepers of the grove, today's resource managers and public servants, still protect these nature reserves, wilderness ar- eas, parks, and gardens. Year in, year out, in summer and winter, in fair weather and foul, they keep their lonely watch. And at times, they must think that the least relaxation of the vigilance or smallest abatement of their strength and skill might put their resource in jeopardy. But who will guard the guards? Who is working to protect the re- source manager from burnout, devi- talization, loss of self-esteem, and other perils of organizational life? 188 Who empowers the keepers of the sacred grove to keep the light, enthu- siasm, and meaning alive in today's society? Objective This paper reports on educational and psychological methods used in career development workshops and motivational training for wilderness managers, particularly those in fed- eral recreation agencies, the U.S. For- est Service, the Bureau of Land Man- agement, the National Park Service, and others. Methods Over a 5-year period, from 1982- 1987, career development workshops and motivational training programs have been offered to institutions and agencies throughout the United States and Canada by both authors. Over 450 participants have attended these seminars (appendix 1). The training sessions have been designed to clarify and strengthen the core values of the individual and develop team motivations and be- haviors. Whenever possible, the training sessions have been held in wilderness or natural areas. During these 3- to 5-day sessions, partici- pants are taught to examine their wil- derness values and inner emotional framework under the direction of a Human Resource Consultant and a Professor of Leisure Studies through the use of psychological techniques including reflective writing, intro- spection, dyadic and group interac- tion, relaxation techniques, stress management, visualization, and group problem solving. Basic Questions This work has posed four basic questions to resource managers in charge of the Wilderness Preserva- tion System and other public lands in the United States. 1. Do resource managers stay in touch with their own wil- derness values? What per- sonal vision or sense of pur- pose drives them in their pri- mary work? How can they retain their motivation in the face of relentless pressures from external forces to use wildlands for singular pur- poses? 2. Do resource managers ar- ticulate wilderness values to others in a clear and direct manner? 3. How can resource managers improve their communica- tion skills so they interact in a positive way with other managers in their unit or agency as well as with exter- nal publics? How can they communicate their vision of the meaning of wilderness to others? 4. Last, and perhaps most im- portant, how can today's re- source managers help others, particularly wilderness and park users, to develop their own vision about the mean- ing of wild and natural lands? Results This work found a large popula- tion of resource management person- nel with particular mid-career stresses related to their role as "keep- ers of the sacred grove." Part of the organizational mythology of land management agencies deals with the importance of the work of preserva- tion. The dedication of many of these career employees to their task is well-known among the agencies. Yet, the stress of modern bureaucratic life is interpreted against a mythic role of "keeper of the sacred grove;" hence, normal stresses are personalized rather than defocused and defused by stress management techniques and personal growth. Through subjective reports by par- ticipants, the use of innovative meth- ods for enhancing career develop- ment has been validated and af- firmed. In a random sample of man- agers involved in career develop- ment and motivational training, more than 60% expressed interest in, or a receptivity to, further training. Summary Future research that will integrate psychological literature with the needs and experience of resource managers is recommended. From our small sample of participants, we have been able to document intense interest in techniques for self-motiva- tion. We view the importance of this work as being equivalent to "guard- ing the guards" of our natural heri- tage in their long struggle to keep wild areas "forever wild." Literature Cited Frazer, James George, Sir. 1980. The golden bough. London: MacMil- lon. (12 vols.) President's Commission on Ameri- cans' Outdoors. 1987. Washington, DC: Island Press. Resources for the Future, Outdoor Recreation for America. 1983. Washington, DC: Resources for the Future. Appendix 1.— List of training workshop symposia. Brown, Michael: July 1982, Presentation at the Third Wilderness Psychology Group conference, West Virginia Univer- 189 sity, Morgantown, WV, "Wilder- ness Vision Quest/' July 1983, Wilderness Vision Quest: A Three-Day Backpacking Trip for Personal Growth. For Wilderness Program Directors from the USDA-FS, The Wilderness Society, National Wildlife Federation, Smithsonian Institute, American Rivers Conservation Council, West Virginia University, Ameri- can Forestry Association. October 1983, Third World Wilder- ness Congress, Forres, Scotland, two workshops, "Wilderness Vi- sion Quest: Exploring the Fron- tiers of Inner Awareness and Wil- derness Appreciation." November 1984, Conceived and Con- vened the Twentieth Anniversary Celebration of the Signing of the Wilderness Act at the National Parks and Conservation Associa- tion, Washington, DC. Presenta- tions by Michael Frome, USDA- FS, USDI-NPS, USDI-BLM, and The Wilderness Society, The Sierra Club, Congressman John Seiber- ling, Senator Gaylord Nelson, John Hender, Michael Brown "A Striv- ing for Balance." August 1985, Career Development Quest: A Three-Day Backpacking Trip for Professional Develop- ment, USDA-FS, Southeast Forest Experiment Station, Asheville, NC. October 1985, Career Development Quest: A Three-Day Backpacking Trip for Professional Develop- ment, USDI-BLM and USDA-FS. November 1985, University of Idaho, College of Forestry, Moscow, ID. Facilitated a meeting of their Board of Advisors called "A Quest for excellence;" facilitated a 2-day retreat for the Department of Wildland Recreation. November 1985, three workshops for the Annual Meeting of the USDA- Senior Executive Service, Wash- ington, DC, Development of the Management Corps: Vision as the Key to Productivity. August 1986, University of Idaho, College of Forestry, Moscow, ID, conducted a 4-day retreat called Wilderness Quest for High Poten- tial, Low- Achieving Probationary Students; facilitated a 1-day team- building retreat for the Depart- ment of Wildland Recreation. October 1986, Career Development Quest — A Three-Day Backpacking Trip for Professional Develop- ment, for USDA-FS. November 1986, First Annual Meet- ing of Wilderness Managers, USDI-BLM, St. George, UT, "Being a Wilderness Manager: Problems, Challenges, Potentials." December 1986, Meeting of Wilder- ness Managers, USDA-FS, Portal, AZ, "Being a Wilderness Manager: Problems, Challenges, Potentials." Freed, Dr. Michael: September 1983-November 1986, Federal Recreation Round table, Executive Secretary, planned and organized quarterly seminars for federal agency heads in Recrea- tion, sponsored by George Mason University — speakers included: William PennMott (NPS), Roy Feuchter (USFS), Joyce Kelley (De- fenders of Wildland), George Siehl (Library of Congress), Loren Frazer (President's Commission on Americans Outdoors), Derek Crandall (American Recreation Coalition), John Poulk (TRA). June 1985, Environmental Education Interpretation Workshop, Port-of- Spain, Trinidad, West Indies, un- der contract to the Organization of American States and the govern- ment of Trinidad and Tobago, June 6-20. October 1985, Skills and Methods for interpretation, National Park Serv- ice Interpretive Skills Level 3, Interpretive Training Workshop, Prince William National Park, VA, October 16. November 1985, Continuing Inter- pretation, California Department of Recreation and Parks, Mott Training Center, Monterey, CA, November 12-15. March 1986, Managing the Difficult Employee, National Park Service, Supervisory Training, Harpers Ferry Training Center, WV, March 12. May 1986, Advanced Interpretation, California Department of Recrea- tion and Parks, Mott Training Center, Monterey CA, May 18-24. May 1987, Environmental Education Natural Resources Management Basseterre, St. Kitts, West Indies, under contract to the Organization of American States and the gov- ernment of St. Christopher Nevis, May 20-June 10. July 1987, Advanced Environmental Education and Natural Resource Management Workshop, Port-of- Spain, Trinidad, West Indies, un- der contract to the Organization of American States and the govern- ment of Trinidad and Tobago, July 12-31. 190 Joy in Living in a Wilderness Milieu Edward L/Leoni1 Abstract.— A wilderness environment offers unique opportunities for personal growth which may not be realized in more traditional treatment modalities. Moreover, nature cannot recognize defeat and, therefore, an improved self-image is not contingent upon competition outcome involving another person. Additionally, a wilderness environment can absorb cathartic self-expression which is viewed as a prerequisite for therapeutic outcome. A wilderness location also allows for the development of new behaviors, as the wilderness environment is free from the stimuli and cues learned in the routines of daily life. Joy in Living is an experientially based program within a wilderness milieu developed on sound thera- peutic principles including: acclima- tization, catharsis, awareness, and behavioral contracts. A central focus of the Joy in Living model (JIL) is to encourage participant growth via the maintenance of present behaviors that lead to JIL, as well as the cultiva- tion of new techniques for an im- proved joy in daily living. Acclimatizing Activities A well-established standard in group work is the development of group cohesion and rapport. Group trust can be accomplished with the aid of structured experiences offered in a sequential manner. The JIL model offers acclimatizing activities that encourage verbal and kinesthetic involvement. This is done in the ini- tial phase of group development to build a strong unit capable of accept- ing personal challenges offered in the latter phases of the model. The life- line activity is one such activity (see fig. 1). Each participant completes a life- line outlining and describing the high and low points of their past day, week, or year. Participants then choose a partner forming a dyad for {Southeast Missouri State University^De- partment of Health, Physical. Education and RecreationJCape Girardeau. MO.J discussion. If a person typically pre- fers being chosen, they are asked to choose a partner. In addition, each participant must directly, openly, and honestly ask their future partner to listen to the story of their life. De- veloping constructive communica- tion skills and assertive behavior are encouraged in this model. Catharsis Creating a therapeutic environ- ment may allow for the release of pent-up emotion. The JIL model sug- gests that catharsis activity is not th- erapeutic but rather a precondition for therapy that must occur before therapeutic intervention can actually take place; thus, participants are asked to further engage in activities that combine both verbal expression and kinesthetic release. Awareness Awareness activities provide par- ticipants with relevant information H A P P 1 N E S S 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 Year/Month/or Week Figure 1.— Acclimatizing activity, lifeline. 191 I'M SO EXCITED I I JUST CAN'T HIDE IT! The Three A's to Better Living Awareness Assessment Action How much of me am I? FORCE FIELD ANALYSIS REAL SELF IDEAL SELF Please list the 3 main obstacles/motivations: Enjoying life means taking responsibility for your body, mind and lifestyle, integrating all components in your healthful interest. Successful lifestyle change depends on my ability to design a program for change. This program should include continuation of all those advantageous thoughts, feelings, and behaviors that were present prior to this workshop. This program should include but not be limited to the following list. Exercise & Fitness Goal Objective Leisure and Nutrition & Diet Recreation Goal Objective Goal Objective Figure 2.— Awareness activity. which is a prerequisite for behavioral change. Participants are asked to use a percentage to assess their present level of well-being, the degree to which they function in an actualized state. In addition, participants are asked to list the greatest influences in their lives, both past and present. Addi- tionally, participants must identify inhibitors and motivators that are involved in the search for true iden- tity (fig. 2). Identity is defined as the gap which may exist between the real and ideal self. Behavioral Contracts The use of behavioral contracts represents the main purpose of the JIL model. Each participant must be able to develop and articulate a plan for maintaining positive behavior and improved Joy in Daily Living (fig. 3). Social Involvement Goal Objective Communication Goal Objective Attitude Goal Objective Figure 3.— Behavioral contract. Conclusions A wilderness environment offers therapeutic benefits not available in other more traditional settings; for example, catharsis can take place more readily outdoors because the natural environment can absorb the sound and energy displaced. Also, structured exercises are used to de- velop cohesion. A group can be chal- lenged by an element found in nature and not against one another. One consequence is that any gains in self- esteem and group cohesion are real- ized without creating a loser or los- ing team, as nature cannot recognize victory or defeat! A wilderness environment for most participants is a different envi- ronment than encountered on a daily basis. Thus, an outdoor laboratory, which is free from environmental cues and stimuli found in daily life, provides an atmosphere conducive for change. 192 The William Allen White Artist in Residence Program Glen Kaye1 Abstract.— Restoration of the summer cabin of William Allen White in Rocky Mountain National Park has preserved a significant cultural resource and also enabled a visiting artists in residence program. Each summer, srtists are invited to stay in the cabin in exchange for creating a work that addresses the esthetic attributes of the park, processes of nature, historical features, or management issues. This program recognizes and promotes the role of artists and writers in shaping public attitudes about natura areas and communicating environmental values. To students of conservation his- tory, the role of artists and writers in shaping public attitudes about natu- ral areas is an on-going part of to- day's environmental movement, even more vibrant than when a few perceptive men and women began to express fresh views of the world a century and a half ago. When the staff of Rocky Mountain National Park found itself respon- sible for preserving the summer cabin of William Allen White, the National Register structure was quickly evaluated for adaptive use. William Allen White, friend of for- mer presidents from William McKin- ley to Franklin D. Roosevelt, was edi- tor and owner of the Emporia Kansas Gazette from 1895 until his death in 1944. In the course of his career, he wrote 16 books, received the Pulitzer prize twice for his famous editorials, and served on the original Book of the Month Club committee. Much of his writing was done at his summer cabin in Rocky Mountain National Park where the family retreated each summer to escape the Kansas heat and enjoy the mountain life. The connection between the writ- ing excellence of White and the role of artists in communicating environ- mental values was a natural one, and so, use of the structure for an Artist in Residence Program was initiated. The first step was to identify the restoration needs of the structure. 1 Rocky Mountain National Park. Colo- rado. Unused for a decade and in disre- pair, the building needed extensive work to make it liveable. Carpentry, new wiring, and plumbing were es- sential, for although the Whites loved to "rough it," the building, as it stood, would not meet public health standards. Second, the proposal needed evaluation by cultural resource spe- cialists. Fortunately, the work needed to rehabilitate the structure was all indoors; the exterior could remain the same. Cultural compliance in hand, the next step was to obtain funding for the project. Donations were received from friends and asso- ciates of William Allen White, includ- ing the Chairman of the Los Angeles Times, family members, and the Wil- liam Allen White Foundation of Law- rence, Kansas. Interior architectural elements of interest, such as a beamed living room and stone fireplace, were pre- served. Historic photos taken by the White family aided in keeping as much of the original appearance as was practical. Where the fabric was unseemly, as with a grease- and grime-coated raw wood floor, it was refinished. After months of labor, and with new furniture on hand, the cabin opened in July of 1984 as quarters for visiting artists in residence. Appro- priately, Dr. Del Brinkman, Dean of the William Allen White School of Journalism at the University of Kan- sas, resided as the first artist in resi- dence. Each summer since then, 8-12 men and women have resided at the cabin, relaxed, and responded to the world of Rocky Mountain National Park. The basic agreement with each art- ist is that in exchange for rent-free housing (everything but food is pro- vided), the artist will produce a work that addresses the aesthetic attributes of the park, the processes of nature, historical features, or management issues. There is no further prompt- ing. The choice is up to each individ- ual. In effect, the staff deliberately steps out of the way to avoid coer- cion and see what chemistry occurs between the artist and the park. Ne- gotiations are also made for gifts of art work from the residency pro- gram, such as paintings or photo- graphs, which will become posses- sions of the federal government for use in park educational programs, exhibits, and publications. Since its inception, the intent has not been to reach communicators of fame, but communicators of talent. Selected by invitation only, they have come from Washington, D.C., to California. They have included jour- nalists and photographers, sculptors and oil painters, geographers and water colorists, anyone who can fit under the umbrella of the "communi- cation arts." Most recently, cellist Eugene Friesen and pianist Paul Sul- livan of the Paul Winter Consort re- sided in the cabin, preparing a musi- cal score based upon the environ- mental sounds of Rocky Mountain National Park. In doing so, they typ- 193 ify the ideal of the program: out of the creations that appear, there will ultimately come works to shape the regional and national identity of Rocky Mountain National Park. By putting a historic structure back into use, under the dictum that use is better for preservation than no use, the program also helps to pre- serve a significant cultural resource. It also commemorates the accom- plishments and clear-thinking of Wil- liam Allen White, a gratifying trip- ling of benefits. The demonstration includes a bus trip to the White Cabin within Rocky Mountain National Park, a discus- sion of the building's restoration for adaptive use, and a visit with Ms. Elisa Decker of New York City, the current Artist in Residence. National Network for Environmental Education Steven C. Kussmann1 Abstract.— A wealth of environmental education mate- rials and programs have been developed and imple- mented over the last 15 years, but no central coordina- tion and dissemination mechanism exists. The Alliance for Environmental Education is establishing a National Net- work for Environmental Education, consisting of interac- tive environmental education centers. Existing centers will be invited to join the Network. Where none exist, new centers, based at colleges and universities throughout the country, will be developed. These centers will provide ex- panded community-based environmental education pro- grams aimed at both schools and the general public. The Alliance, working with a coalition of governmental, aca- demic, environmental, consumer, and private sector or- ganizations, will develop the centers and provide to them nationally coordinated management, information, and program support services. The successful resolution of envi- ronmental management or resource use issues, including those affecting wildlands and wilderness values, re- quires an informed public. Education is needed to develop this under- standing. To be effective, this educa- tional process must include both "formal" programs planned for school children and "non-formal" programs directed to the public. The need for and importance of environmental education has re- ceived prominent recognition by the recent Presidential Commission on Americans and the Outdoors. In 1986, this commission reported that: an "outdoor ethic" is a priority issue of the American public; people be- lieve citizens should learn to appreci- ate the environment and respect it; and residents of each community should decide how best to address these issues in their location. Further- more, in 1986, the United Nations called for partnerships between in- dustry and environmental organiza- tions to address pressing environ- mental issues. The Alliance for Environmental Education The need for partnerships and co- operation among all sectors inter- f'The Alliance for Environmental Educa- tion. Washington. D.C. ) ested in environmental awareness and resource protection was already evident in the early 1970's. The num- ber of organizations and associations dedicated to environmental educa- tion was growing rapidly. While each had a unique focus, many had com- mon goals and used similar ap- proaches. In 1973, in an effort to opti- mize resources and efforts, the Alli- ance for Environmental Education was created. Today, the Alliance rep- resents the largest advocate for envi- ronmental education in North Amer- ica— collectively totaling more than 12 million members of 34 affiliates. Through sponsorship of five major conferences, the Alliance has docu- mented the needs and opportunities for environmental education and de- veloped strategies on networking and information exchange. In 1986, the Alliance was awarded the Na- tional Wildlife Federation's Conser- vation Achievement Award for Edu- cation in the United States and was one of five organizations to receive the 1987 Chevron Conservation Award. The Alliance believes that environ- mental education must be promoted to ensure that the American public is able to make informed judgments on environmental concerns, including resource management techniques, conservation, sustainable economic practices, development and protec- tion of natural resources, energy use, 195 and other environmental problems. The Alliance supports programming that is balanced and fair and exam- ines controversial issues from all sides. Advocacy groups, corpora- tions, and government agencies benefit from an informed public, and education serves as a common ground for cooperation on environ- mental issues. Networking: A National Strategy A variety of environmental educa- tion programs has been developed by all segments of our society and can be found throughout the United States. Many are excellent independ- ent efforts designed to educate a spe- cific public about a particular con- cern or resource area. However, to maximize the potential of these ef- forts, a program is needed at the na- tional level to facilitate existing and future environmental education pro- grams. Recognizing this need for ex- change and coordination, the Alli- ance has provided leadership in de- veloping a "National Network for Environmental Education" by utiliz- ing university-based outreach cen- ters. The Network is designed to better educate the public on environmental issues through programs for schools and the general public. Programs will incorporate resources from the local and regional community as well as materials already available. Not only will these education efforts raise the level of public awareness and public discussion, but the Network will also strengthen community cooperation on local and regional environmental issues by opening channels of com- munication. Tennessee River Valley Model The Network approach to envi- ronmental education is modeled after an environmental /energy education network of university-based centers developed in the seven-state Tennes- see River Valley region and spon- sored by the Tennessee Valley Au- thority. The Tennessee Valley net- work offers teacher training, pro- gram development and dissemina- tion, regional outreach services (such as technical assistance and work- shops), and research opportunities. This network involves 13 universities and has trained 20,000 teachers dur- ing its 10 years of operation. The Centers Potential new centers will be col- lege- or university-based and will demonstrate the potential to meet the Network's criteria. The Alliance has established that each center must, on an ongoing basis, provide its local community with (1) teacher training, (2) program development, (3) re- search, and (4) community outreach- environmental education services to be associated with the Network. Each Network center will develop locally the connections and commu- nication mechanisms needed to carry out its responsibilities. Nationally, each center will be a link in a nation- wide information and education ex- change among universities, private organizations, government agencies, and corporations. The Implementation Strategy The initial phase of the program is being directed at establishing five Network centers in a 10-state region comprising Colorado, Iowa, Kansas, Minnesota, Missouri, Montana, Ne- braska, North Dakota, South Dakota, and Wyoming. This area was se- lected because of its central geo- graphic location and a demonstrated interest in the program from poten- tial host universities. Local, regional, and national environmental educa- tion leaders and interested parties held a conference in April 1987 to help finalize details on establishing these centers. Development of the national support services mecha- nisms necessary to the Network also will be undertaken during the initial phase of the program. In late 1987, conferences were held in other re- gions of the country as part of a Net- work effort to finalize plans for es- tablishing additional centers and to ensure the effectiveness of associated activities. By 1997, the national network is expected to be fully operational. The undertaking will be a nonadvocacy effort, jointly developed and funded by the Alliance, local business and industry, state and local education, resource agencies, and the host uni- versities. A minimum of five centers will be established each year. Centers will be associated with one another through the Network, and will inter- relate based upon areas of common concern with the support of the Net- work. The Network will provide fi- nancial and support services to the centers. These services will include staff support, communications, con- ferences and meetings, interface, and issues analysis. The Network will work with existing regional and local environmental education centers and other national efforts consistent with the program. The Network Management Com- mittee, comprised of Alliance mem- bers and non-members and reporting to the Alliance Board of Directors, will direct the ongoing operations of the Network. Expansion of the Net- work will be determined on an an- nual basis. A general implementation strategy is outlined below. 1. The Alliance will hold re- gional organizational meet- ings of prospective sponsors and concerned organizations. The purpose of these meet- ings will be to focus on local needs, programs, partnership building, and organizational concerns. The meetings will also help publicize the Net- work. 2. Centers will be established at key colleges or universities. Candidate schools must meet specific criteria (as yet to be determined by the Network Management Committee) and will be selected by the Alliance. 3. Locally each center will pro- vide environmental pro- grams and serve as a techni- cal assistance, information, and training resource center for both schools and the pub- lic. Nationally each center will be a link in a nation- wide information and educa- tion exchange among univer- sities, private organizations, government agencies, and corporations. 4. A national electronic bulletin board will be established to link those involved in the Network, Alliance affiliates, and interested outside or- ganizations. The bulletin board will carry short notices of timely program and part- nership information that will be fed into the system di- rectly by center staff. All in- formation will be accessible by computers nationwide. 196 5. The Alliance newsletter, "Al- liance Exchange," will carry articles of long-term interest; for example, reports of pro- gram successes and failures and reports on national sponsors and affiliate pro- grams. The "Exchange" will be distributed to each center, to Alliance affiliates, and to other interested organiza- tions. 6. The Alliance and the univer- sities will match funds for operations, staff, and pro- grams on an equal basis. In succeeding years, universi- ties will provide increasing proportions of their budgets; and within 5 years after ini- tial funding, centers will op- erate independently of finan- cial support from the Alli- ance. For continuous opera- tion they will rely on various donations, contracts, and grants generated by the indi- vidual centers. NATIONAL AGRICULTURAL LIBRARY 1022266385